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C A S TI l^E, 

lVtA.IN"E ; 


liPeniaQoei ^ 

•C^EORQE ^uqUpTUp "VyHEEI-ER, ^. ^JVl., ^. J. 

" One of those old Towns — zvith a History." — Holmes. 





as to excellence, are due solely to the character of the original negatives, and 
not at all to the heliotj^pe process. The wood-cut of the Normal School 
House was kindly loaned by tlie State authorities. The wood-cuts of the 
Forts were made by an amateur engraver of this town, and are his first 
attempts. I am, with regret, obliged to omit the valuable and well-executed 
Plan of the Cemetery, prepared by Mr. Alfred Adams, of this town. The 
scale upon which it was necessarily drawn is so large that when reduced to 
the proper size for a book, the references are illegible. I am in hopes, how- 
ever, that the citizens of the town will have it furnished to them in a more 
suitable form for reference, than it would have had in this volume. 

To the friends who have assisted me in the prosecution of this work, I take 
the present opportunity of acknowledging my indebtedness. I have received 
favors from too many individuals, to specify them all by name ; but it affords 
me great pleasure to acknowledge my special indebtedness to Mr. Alexander 
W. Longfellow, of the U. S. Coast Survey, for the many facilities he has fur- 
nished me in this undertaking; to Honorable Joseph Williamson, of Uelfast, 
for his almost unexampled generosity in furnishing me with many valuable 
documents and references, relating to the period of the French occupation of 
this territory — the fruit of many years of labor on his part, and intended for 
his own use ; to Mr, G. H. Snelling, and Honorable J. Wingate Thornton, of 
Boston ; and Mr. Hosea B. Wardwell, of Penobscot, for many old documents 
preserved in their families; and to Messrs. Joseph L. Stevens, M. D., Samuel 
Adams, Honorable Charles J. Abbott, George H. and William H. Witherle, 
Samuel T. Noyes, Charles J. Whiting, Reverend Alfred E. Ives, and Philip 
J. Hooke, of this town, for their suggestions and aid. 

It is also proper that I should, in this connection, acknowledge to the pub- 
lic the great obligations that I have been under to my brother, — the late 
William A. Wheeler, of the Boston Public Library. It is in no slight. degree 
due to his kindly interest that I have been led to persevere in my somewhat 
laborious employment, and his assistance and advice have been at all times 
freely extended to me— as they were, indeed, to all who sought them. Had 
he lived, this volume would have recieived, in' its revision as it went through 
the press, the benefit of his experience and conscientious care. The task had 
but just been commenced when his earthly career was terminated. 

In preparing this History, I have had somewhat in view the benefit such a 
work would be to the rising generation of this town. I trust the perusal of 
its pages may tend to increase the already well known aflection of its children 
for the place of their nativity, or adoption. Although not myself "to the 
manor born," my interest in the town in which I have taken up my abode, 
can hardly be surpassed. 

To the citizens of Castine, therefore, without whose liberality this book 
might never have been published, to whom I am indebted for many acts of 
kindness, and around whose beautiful town cluster so many ancient and inter- 
esting associations, I offer this volume as a token of gratitude and respect. 

Casting, Maine, January 20, 1875. 

G. A. W. 


Acadie — Murdock's. 
Acadie — Whipple's. 
Account of Capture of Castine — 

Account of Centennial Celebration at 

Bangor, Maine. 
Ancient Dominions of Maine — Sewall. 
Annals of Warren — Eaton. 
America; or Description of New 

World— Ogilby. 
Belknap's Biography. 
British Plutarch . 
Boston Journal, November, 1850. 
Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of 

the American Revolution— Sabine. 
Castine Newspapers, Files of 
Champlain's Voyages. 
Courts and Lawyers of Maine— Willis. 
Collections of Maine Historical Society. 
Collections of Mass. Historical Society. 
Da Costa's Mount Desert. 
Drake's Book of the Indians. 
Drake's Dictionarv of American Biog. 
Dwight's Travels." 
Early Settlement of Acadia by the 

Dutch— De Peyster. 
Farmer's Almanac, 1795 — Robert B. 

Field Book of the Revolutlon-Lossing. 
Field Book of the War of lS12-Lossing. 
Geological Survey of Maine— Jackson. 
History — Botta's. 
Historv of Camden — Eaton. 
History of Hancock Lodge, F. & A. M. 

History of Maine — Sullivan. 
History of Maine — Williamson. 
History of Mass. — Hutchinson. 
History of the Navy — Pr>t(!rson. 
History of Newbury — Coffin. 

History of New England — Coolidge 

and Mansfield. 
History (Geographical) of Nova Scotia. 

London, 1749. 
History of Plymouth Colonv-Bradford. 
History of Portland— Willis. 
History of Thomaston, So. Thomaston, 

and Rockland — Eaton. 
History of Virginia — Smith. 
Historical Magazine. 
Incidents in the Life of Samuel A. 

Journal of the Revolutionary War — 

Journal of the Siege of Penobscot — 

La Hontan's Voyages. 
Life and Writings of Washington — 

Appendix 3 — Sparks. 
Maine Register, 1874. 
Memorials of English and French 

Commissaries, concerning the Lim- 
its of Nova Scotia or Acadia. 
New France — Charlevoix. 
Niles's Weekly Register, 1814-15. 
Pennsylvania .T()urii;il. 1775. 
Providence Patriot. lsl5. 
Remarks upon a Copper Plate — Read 

before the Am. Antiq. Soc. by 

Charles Folsom, Esq, 
Reports of Adjutant Genei'al of Maine, 

1861, 18G0. 
StatisticalViews of Maine— Greenleaf. 
State Papers — Hutchinson. 
The Dutch at North Pole and in Maine, 

De Peyster. 
The Neutral French. 
Wintlirop's Journal. 
Wisdom and Policy of the French — 

London, 1704. 


[In State Department at Boston.] 

Governor Pownal's Speech. 

Letter to Governor Hancock, 1784, bv 

Mr. Cobb. 
Letter to the Executive, 1811, by 

Judge Parker. 

Documents collected in France, by B, 

IVrlcy I'oorc. 
Massachusetts T^ctter Book, 
Massachusetts Records, Vols. 1 to 17. 
Penobscot Hxpedil'n. Vol. in regard to 


[7?i possession of Joseph Williamson, Esq.} 

William Hutchins's Narrative of the 

Siege of Penobscot, tfcc. 
Lawrence's Orderly Book. 
Perham's Letter from Colonel Brewer. 
Account of Burton's escape from Fort 


New Ireland — original paper. 
Topographical Sketch of Castine— 
Wm. Ballard. 


Church Records of First Parish. 
Church Records of First Trinitarian 

Custom House Records. 
District School Records. 
Redhead's Journal of the Siege of 


History of Methodism in Castine. 
Peters' Field Notes of Survey 

Records of Castine Light Infantry. 
Reports of School Committees. 
Town Records. 
Sundry Letters and Memoranda. 


















Early Explorations and Settlements. 

Occupation by the French. 

BAftON Castin and Family. 

French Occupation from 1671 to 1759. 

AVAR OF Revolution— American Expedition. 

"War of Hevolution— American Defeat. 



























Topography, Natural History, Climatology, &c. 

Municipal History of Penobscot. 

Municipal History of Castine. 

General and Social History of Castine. 

Ecclesiastical History. 

Educational History ok Castine. 

Military History— Since Incorporation of Penobscot. 

Commercial History of Castine. 

Ancient Buildings, Forts, Batteries, &c. 

Biographical Sketches. 

Municipal History of Brooksville. 

Present and Future of the three Toavns. 



Section I. Documents Rklatingto thk Ante-Rkvolutionary Pkriod, 

Sec, II. Documents Rklatixg to the Rkvolutionary Pkriod. 

Sec. III. Documents Relating to the Municipal Period. 

Sue. IV. Appendix;. 



View of Castine from High Head Frontispiece- 
Map of the old Forts and Batteries Page 42. 

Map of Castine, Brooksville, and Penobscot " 54. 

Castine Village from Kormal School House *. " 84. 

Eastern Normal School House " 148. 

SupposedPlan of Fort Pentagoet " 187. 

Plan of Fort George •* 188. 

Outline of Battery Griffith " 191. 

Landing Place of the Americans, 1779 " 192. 

Facsimile of the "Castine Coins" " 194. 

Facsimile of the "Copper Plate" " 196. 

Portrait of William Hutchings '• 203. 

Portraitof Hon. William Abbott " 212. 

Portrait of Deacon Samuel Adams..*.. " 232. 


l*age 14, Hue 15, from bottom, for 'Agoucy' read 'Agoncy.' 
Page 19, line 1, from bottom, (also on Pages 37, 40, and 43) for 'Hutchins' 
«read 'Hutchings.' 

Page 35, line 10, from top, for 'Ones' read 'One's.' 

Page 43, line 3, from bottom, for 'awaited the signal to retreat' read 're- 
mained until a retreat was ordei-ed.' 
Page 55, line 17, from bottom, for 'Alemogin' read 'Algemogin.' 
Page 60, line 8, from bottom, for 'were' read 'was.' 
Page 74, line 15, from top, for 'town' read 'village.' 
Page 92, line 14, from top, for 'Jothan' read 'Jotham.' 
Page '^9, line 7, from bottom, for 'Sopher's' read 'Soper's.' 
Page 103, line 2, from top, for 'phthisis pulmonalis (consumption)' read 
'Phthisis Pulmonalis (Consumption).' 

Page 103, line 4, for 'Stephens' read 'Stevens.' (Also on Page 143, line 5, 
from bottom.) 
Page 107, several lines, and page 108, line 1, for 'doctor' read 'Doctor.' 
Page 107, line 21, from bottom, for 'appoited' read 'appointed.' 
Page 108, line 17, from bottom, for 'and Doctor' read 'and of Doctor.' 
Page 144, line 15, from top, for 'at' read 'a.' 
Page 152, line 10, from top, for 'County' read 'Country.' 
Page 166, line 7, from bottom, for 'Samuel' read 'Seth.' 
Page 196, line 9, from top, for 'Damre' read 'Domime.' 
Page 202, line 16, from top, for 'November 30, 1831,' read 'August 5, 1833.' 
Page 204, line 6, from bottom, for 'union,' read 'Union.' 
Page 306, line 18, from bottom, for 'constiution' read 'constitution.' 
Page 369, lines 1, 2, and 3, from top. Under " Co.," for " C " read B." 
Page 373, line 11, from bottom, under " Regt.," for " 11th" read " 18th." 

Note.— The Portrait of Doctor Joseph L. Stevens has been heliotyped, 
and it was expected up to the present moment that it would appear in this 
book. It is fuUv as good as the other illustrations, but on account of their 
dissatisfaction with it— or for some other reason— the parties who oft'ered to 
furnish it, now decline to do so. The author still hopes for its insertion— in 
which case it will be found on Page 222. 


' One's heart felt sorrow that it had ever been destroyed." 




Situation and Tereitoeial Limits. — Aboriginal In- 
habitants. — Advent of Europeans. — Early Ex- 
plorations. — Meaning of the Names applied to 
Localities. — Settlement by Plymouth Colony. — 
Pillaged by the French. — Attack by Aulney. 

Ancient Pentagoet, situated upon the eastern side of 
Penobscot bay and river, may be said to have embraced 
the territory now comprised in the three towns of Penob- 
scot, Brooksyille and Castine. It comjDosed a part of the 
ancient land of the Etchemins, and was occupied, before 
the advent of Europeans, by the numerous and powerful 
tribe of Tarratines, — as the Penobscot Indians were then 

The Tarratines are described as of elegant stature and 
of agreeable form. They are said to have been as tall as 
the Europeans, and much better proportioned. After the 
arrival of the Europeans, they, like all other Indian tribes, 
adopted the vices more than they did the virtues of the 
white men. They have generally, however, been repre- 
sented as chaste, constant in marriage, and as much more 
peaceable than the other tribes. It has been said of them, 
" that no other eastern tribe had treated the English with 
so much forbearance and honor," and this too, thouo'h their 
sympathies and predilections must doubtless have been for 
the French. On more than one occasion during the period 
of the Indian troubles in New England, they expressed 
themselves earnestly for peace, and in at least one war 
against them, our own people must have been the first 
aggressors. Owing to the labors and teachings of Fatlicr 
Lauvergat — who was a missionary to them about the year 
1721 — and of other priests, they were converted to the 


Catholic faith. They became ultimately the wards of the 
State, and were limited, territorially, to the islands at Old- 
town and in the river above, about the year 1796. Note- 
worthy among their chieftains Avas Madocl^awando, both 
on account of his disposition and personal character, and 
on account of the influence he exerted over other sachems,, 
and more especially for having been the father-in-law of the- 
Baron de St. Castin. All historians agree, that, though 
brave, he was peaceably inclined, and that the prisoners 
under his keeping were remarkably well treated. He 
assisted Pontneuf at the capture of Casco Fort, in May, 
1690. He was also in the attack upon Wells, in 1692. In 
1694, he went with Villieu to the attack at Oyster river, 
Piscataqua, accompanied by two hundred and fifty Indians. 
They killed or captured nearly one hundred prisoners, and 
burned tAventy houses. In 1786, an attempt was made to 
prove, by a deed to Avhich his signature was appended, that 
he was not a sachem of the Penobscots. The weight of 
evidence is, however, the other way. He died in 1697, and 
was succeeded by Wenamouet, or Wenaggonet. Orono, 
who is represented as being a man of very exemplary char- 
acter, and who is reputed to have been a son of the 
Baron de St. Castin, was also at one time a sachem of the 
tribe. The town of Orono, in Penobscot County, com- 
memorates his name. 

The eastern section of Maine, was one of the first por- 
tions of the continent visited by the early explorers. 
Penobscot bay and river will be found quite particularly, 
though very curiously, delineated upon all the early charts. 
It went by the various names of Agoucy, Norumbegue, 
Rio Grande (the Great River), Rio Hermoso (the Beauti- 
ful River), Rio de las Gamas (Deer River), Rio de Gomez 
(River of Gomez), and Rio Santa Maria. Its appellation 
of Penobscot Avas given on account of its rocky shores — 
penops^ in the Indian dialect signifying rocky, and aulc^ 
place. [Williamson 1, p. 512.] The meaning of the term 
PentagiJet, called by the Dutch Pountegouycet [De Peyster, 
Dutch in Maine, p. 73], applied originally to the peninsula 
of Majabagaduce by the French, is not knoAvn AAdth abso- 
lute certainty. Dr. J. H. Trumbull, however, is inclined to 
the opinion that it means " the entrance of the river." He 
has no doubt of its being an Indian name handed doAvn 
through the French. The arm of the sea which runs up 
into the town of Penobscot, between Brooksville and 


Castine, and whicli dividfid ancient Pentagoet into two 
nearly equal parts, and which now goes by the name of 
Bagaduce river, was in former times called by the name of 
Matcheljiguatus. Although undoul^tedly an Indian name, 
it is somewhat singular that no reference can be found to 
it earlier tlian the year 1644, [Winthrop's Journal, Vol. 1, 
p. 220, note], and that no such name is to be found in any 
of the English or French documents relating to the Castin 
family, or to Pentagoet. This name has suffered very 
singular corruption, unless, as is possible though not very 
probable, two separate and distinct Indian appellations 
have been confounded. In 1760, it was called Baggadoose ; 
during the Revolution, Maja-bagaduce and Maja-bigaduce. 
[Me. Hist. Col., Vol. VI, Art. Castine Coins.] Williamson 
says in his History of Maine, [Vol. 1, p. 71,] that it was 
named for a French officer by the name of Major Bigayduce. 
He says subsequently, however, that it is derived from 
Marche-l^agaduce, an Indian word meaning "No good 
cove." Eaton says, also, that it means " A bad harbor." 
[Annals of Warren, p. 20, note.] A tradition exists, 
amongst some of the Penobscot Indians, that the upsetting 
of a canoe full of Indians, at some remote period, caused 
great sorrow and distress, and hence the word is thought 
by some to signify " a place of sorrow." Jacob McGaw, 
Esq., of Bangor, has stated that it was said by some of the 
old Indians, to mean " a river having large coves or bays." 
A Penobscot Indian told Mr. Alexander W. Longfellow, 
in the summer of 1872, that it was called by them, Ka-bag- 
a-duce, the meaning of wdaich is, " your daughter is floated 
out by the tide." Mr. Longfellow also informs us that he 
has somewhere seen a reference to an Indian of the Kenne- 
bec tribe who was called Bagadusett. Doctor J. H. 
Trumbull, of Connecticut, — reputed to be the ablest living 
student of the Indian dialects — says, in a letter to the au- 
thor: — "That the original name was something like Matsi- 
abagawadoos-et, (Matsi-anbaga » atirs-ek, as Rale would 
have written it) and that it means ' at the bad shelter place,' 
i. e. where there is no safe harbor, I have scarcely a doubt." 
Of the various meanings given to this name, the latter is 
probably the correct one. Yet few who have ever sailed 
up and down the river, even in canoes, would dream of 
speaking of it as a river having no good coves, though it 
was doubtless a bad place for the landing of canoes upon 
this peninsula, especially in an easterly wind. 


Champlain is commonly supposed to have been the first 
European to have landed (about 1604) upon these shores. 
If, however, any confidence Avhatever can be placed in the 
account of Thevet — who is not considered to be a very 
trustworthy authority — there must have been a French 
fishing or trading station, prior to the year 1556, in this 
vicinity, if not within the limits of what was called Pentag- 
oet. [Me. Hist. Col. (Doc. Hist.),Vol. 1, pp. 416 to 419.] 

1605. The river and bay were again explored, in the 
year 1605, by James Rozier, the companion of Weymouth, 
in honor of whom the cape at the southwestern extremity 
of the town of Brooksville, received its name. [Me. Hist. 
Col., Vol. V, p. 384, note.] The Indian name of this cape 
was Mose-ka-chick, signifying a moose's rump. There is 
an interesting legend connected with this name. The tale 
is, that as an Indian was pursuing a moose over the pen- 
insula upon which Castine is situated, it came to the 
shore, and jumping in, swam across to th^ other side. The 
dogs of the Indian were unable to follow the game, but 
the Indian himself pursued it in a canoe, and succeeded in 
killing it upon the 023posite shore. Upon his return he 
scattered the entrails of the animal in the water, where 
they may be seen — -in the shape of certain rocks strung 
along at intervals — even to this day. [Mr. A. W. Long- 
fellow, U. S. Coast Survey.] 

1613. In the year 1613, "a new project was formed in 
France, to get possession of Pentagoet, a river which lies 
thirty leagues S. W. from St. Croix: with this view a col- 
ony duly furnished with missionaries was transported 
thither." This colony is, however, believed to have settled 
at Mount Desert. [Geog. Hist, of Nova Scotia, London, 
1749, p. 53.] This year Captain Argall, of Virginia, was 
cast ashore here while on a fishing cruise. He did not re- 
main any length of time. The first French fort was prob- 
ably erected here about this time. [Ogilby, America, p. 137.] 

1614. In the year 1614, Captain John Smith explored 
this coast, and refers to the French traders being in this 
vicinity. [Smith's Journal pp. 213-215.] 

1626. The first permanent settlement of much conse- 
quence, however, was made here in the year 1626, by Isaac 
Allerton, under direction of the Plymouth Colony of Mas- 
sachusetts, who established here a trading house for the 
purpose of bartering for furs with the Indians. This trad- 
ing house, like all others of that period, was built for de- 


fense, and was probably surrounded by a stockade. The 
Plymouth Colony retained undisturbed possession of it 
until the year 1632, when it was pillaged by the French. 

1632. Early in June of this year, a French vessel, pilot- 
ed by a wily and treacherous Scotchman, and commanded 
by a Frenchman from Nova Scotia, named Rosillon, visited 
the place. The captain pretended he had put into the 
harbor in distress, and requested permission to repair his 
vessel and refresh his crew. The crew, finding that the 
commander of the station was, with most of his men, on 
a trip to the westward after goods, first examined the arms 
of the fort to see if they were loaded, and then, seizing 
their swords and muskets, compelled the surrender of the 
few remaining keepers of the trading house. They forced 
them, moreover, to deliver up their goods and help put them 
on board the vessel. After taking property to the amount 
of X500, they, upon leaving, said : — " Tell your Master to 
remember the Isle of Re," alluding to the brilliant suc- 
cesses of the French at the Isle of Re, in France, in 1627. 
[De Peyster, Dutch in Maine, p. 50 — also, Williamson's 
Hist, of Me., Vol. 1, p. 249.] 

1635. In the year 1635, Charles de Menou d'Aulney 
de Charnissy, who was a subordinate officer under General 
Razillai, the Governor of Acadia, attacked the trading 
house and drove off its occupants. The Plymouth Colony 
soon attempted to regain possession, and Captain Girling, 
of the Hope^ a ship hired at Ipswich, Massachusetts, ac- 
companied by Miles Standish, attacked the place, but did 
not force a surrender, although it was only occupied by 
eighteen men. Had Captain Girling listened to the advice of 
Standish, and not commenced his attack until he got close 
in, he might have succeeded. He actually, however, used 
up all his powder before he got sufficiently near to do any 
harm. [Bradford's Hist, of Plymouth Col., p. 333.] From 
this time until the year 1654, the French held undisputed 
possession of the place. 




Earthquake. — La Tour's Attack upon Aulney's 
Men at Mill. — Attack upon Farm-House. — Wan- 
nerton Killed. — Aulney's Death. — La Tour's 
Marriage to Aulney's Widow. — La Tour's Com- 
iviand of the fort. — capture by the english. — 
Cromwell's Patent to La Tour. — Pentagoet Sur- 
rendered TO THE French. 

1635o General Razillai, commander of Acadia, gave the 
subordinate command of all the country to the eastward of 
the river St. Croix, to Charles St. Estienne de La Tour, 
and of all the country to the westward of that river — 
as far as the French claimed — to Monsieur Charles de 
Menou d'Aulney. Pentagoet, therefore, came under the 
control of Aulney.* After the death of Razillai, which 
occurred this same year, Aulney and La Tour quarrelled 
in regard to the supreme command in Acadia, which each 
claimed. This quarrel lasted many years, and during its 
continuance, a bitter contest was waged, with varying suc- 
cess, between these two leaders and their respective adhe- 
rents. ' La Tour applied for assistance to the government 
of Massachusetts. The rulers of that commonwealth gave 
their consent to his hiring ships and men to carry on his 
contest. He accordingly hired four vessels, and with eighty 
men attacked Aulney at St. Croix, who fled to Penobscot. 
1638. With the exception of the " Great Earthquake," 
which happened June 1, 1638, — and the motion of which 
was felt for twenty days, — nothing of any importance oc- 
curred here until 1643. 

1643. In this year La Tour attempted the capture of 
the place. Although the commander-in-chief of the ves- 
sels hired at Boston could not be persuaded to make any 
assault upon Aulney, j^et thirty of the New England men 
went voluntarily with La Tour's men and drove some of 
Aulney's force from a mill where they had fortified them- 
selves. Three of Aulney's men were Idlled in this conflict, 
*Commonly, though less correctly, -vvrittcu D'Auluey. 


and three of La Tour's men were wounded. [Mass. Hist. 
Soc. Coll., Vol. 5, 2d Sec, p. 483.] They set the mill on 
fire, and burned some standing corn. They received a fire 
from Aulney, however, as they went on board their vessels. 
[Winthrop's Journal, p. 307.] 

1644. In the summer following. La Tour, hearing that 
the fort was weakly manned and in want of victuals, dis- 
patched Mr. Wannerton, of Piscataqua, and some other 
English gentlemen who were with him at the time, together 
with about twenty of his own men, to take Penobscot. 
They went to a farm house of Aulney's, situated about six 
miles from the fort.* Wannerton and two of his men 
knocked at the door of the house. One of the inmates 
opened the door, when another at once shot Wannerton 
dead, while a third shot one of Wannerton's companions in 
the shoulder, but was himself immediately shot dead in 
return. Tha rest of the company now came in, took pos- 
session of the house, and made the two men who remained, 
prisoners. After killing all the cattle, they burned the 
house, and at once embarked for Boston. 

On the eighth day of October, articles of peace were 
concluded between Aulney and John Endicott, Governor of 
New England. Notwithstanding this treaty, La Tour was 
allowed to hire vessels to carry supplies to his fort at St. 
Croix. This gave offense to Aulney, who became trouble- 
some, and seized upon all the vessels he could, that attempt- 
ed to trade with La Tour. 

1651. Aulney retained quiet possession of his fort from 
this time until his death, which took place in the year 1651. 
The history of this long-continued and bitter quarrel ends 
much like a romance. La Tour having married the widow 
of his foe within one year after the death of the latter. 
Aulney is said to have been the first to teach the Indians 
in this region the use of fire-arms. The French settlers at 
this time were very ignorant and depraved, and were also, 
excessive bigots in their religion. The government of the 
place was simply a military despotism. Under such auspi- 
ces no great progress in the growth of the place could be 
looked for. After the death of Aulney, La Tour exercised 
authority over the place for about two years. He was 
here in person but seldom, however, his principal residence 
being at St. John, N. B. 

*Tliis fiirin house was probably Hituatcd at the head of Northern Bay, near 
what was subsequently called the Winslow farm. It was between the sliore 
and where Mr. Perkins' store now stunds.-Sec llutchins's Narrative in Part III. 


1654. Pentagoet was taken, in the year 1654, by the 
English, acting under orders from Cromwell. They re- 
tained undisturbed possession for thirteen years. The 
place was, however, still occupied by the French settlers. 

1656. In the year 1656, Cromwell issued a patent to 
Stephen de La Tour (son of Charles St. Estienne), Sir 
Thomas Temple, and William Crowne, giving to them the 
territory called Acadia, which included Penobscot. Sub- 
sequently Temple and Crowne purchased all his right and 
title to the territory from La Tour. 

1662. In the year 1662, Colonel Temple left, having 
surrendered the fort to Captain Thomas Bredion. The 
latter dismissed Edward Naylor,who had charge of "Negew," 
in Penobscot, and Lieutenant Gardner, in charge of the fort, 
together with all tlie officers and soldiers. [Naylor's De- 
position, Part III.] 

1667. As a result of the war between' England and 
France, the Pro\dnce of Nova Scotia was, by the treaty of 
Breda, surrendered to the French, July 31, 1667. 

1668. During the month of February, 1668, another 
article was added to this treaty, ceding the whole of Acadia 
to the French, and specifying " Pentagoet," or Penobscot, 
by name. 

1670. The place was not, however, actually given up 
to them until the year 1670, when Captain Richard Walker 
made a formal surrender of it to Monsieur Hubert d'An- 
digny. Chevalier de Grandfontaine. [Part III, Deed of 

By the instructions of the French king, and according 
to the provisions of the treaty, the inhabitants- were left 
entirely free to remain, or to leave and take away all their 
property. Grandfontaine was instructed to make this place 
his head-quarters, and to put it in a complete state of de- 
fense. Also, to promote business and traffic along the 
coast, especially the fisheries and preparing of furs. Stran- 
gers were obliged to have a special permit from the king, 
in order to do business here, though the English who were 
here were allowed to remain, upon taking an oath of alle- 
giance to the French crown. Nearly all the soldiers de- 
sired to settle here. The Lieutenant of Grandfontaine, at 
this time was the Sieur de Marson. [French Documents, 
Part III.] 



Arkival of the Baron Castin. — His peeviotjs Life. 
His Character. — Description of his Residence. — 
His Marriage to Madockawando's Daughter. — 
His Family. — Description of Madaisie Castin. — 
His SiJB]\nssiON to the English. — Departure for 
France. — Account of his Sons, Anselm and 
Joseph Dabadis. — Departure of Anselm for 
France. — Death of the Baron. — Latest account 
of the Family. 

* * * * One whose bearded cheek 
And white and wrinkled brow bespeak 

A wanderer from the shores of France. 
A few long locks of scattering snow 
Beneath a battered morion flow, 
And from the rivets of his vest, 
Which girds in steel his ample breast, 

The slanted sunbeams glance. 
In the harsh outlines of his face 
Passion and sin have left their trace ; 
Yet, save worn brow and thin grey hair. 
No signs of weary age are there. 

His step is linn, his eye is keen, 
Nor years in broil and battle spent, 
Nor toil, nor wounds, nor pain, had bent 

The lordly frame of old Castiue. 

JVhittier. — Mogg Ilegone. 

1667. About the time of the treaty of Breda, Baron 
Jean Vincent cle St. Castin,* came from Quebec to Penob- 
scot. The Baron Castin was born at Oleron, France, — a 
town situated near the borders of the Pyrenees. He is 
represented as a man of good abilities, very daring and en- 
terprising, of very fascinating address and manners, and as 
possessing a competent education. He was liberal and 
kindly in his feelings, but a devout Catholic in his religion. 
He probably possessed a fair knowledge of the military arts 
of that period. He was at one time a colonel in the king's 
body guard. He was afterwards commander of a regi- 
ment called the " Carignan Salieres." About the year 1665, 
he and his troops were ordered to Quebec. At the close 
of the war (1667), they were discharged from the army. 
It is reasonable to suppose that he would feel chagrined 
and incensed at his dismissal. However this may be, it is 
certain that he determined to remain in this country, and 

*He is called, in one of the French letters, the Sieur de Badie, Baron de St. 



to take up his abode among the Indians. Probably th(? 
grant from the king, of a considerable quantity of land, 
had something to do with his choice. [Wisdom and Policy 
of the French, London, 1704, p. 86.] He accordingly set- 
tled on this peninsula, where he erected a safe and commo- 
dious residence. His house is generally thought to have 
been situated near the site of Aulney's fort, and to have 
been not far from where the house of Mr. George H. Webb 
now stands, on Perkins Street. It was a long, low, irregu- 
lar building, constructed partly of wood and partly of stone, 
and had rather a grotesque appearance. [The Neutral 
French.] The windows were small and quite high, so that 
no one could look in from the outside. The fort surround- 
ing it, contained twelve guns, a well, a chapel with a bell, 
and several out-buildings ; and a garden, containing quite a 
number of fruit trees, was attached to it. This orchard 
was, according to the traditions of the place, situated on 
the upper side of the present street, and opposite the fort. 
There is now no trace of it, but some of our octogenarians 
well remember seeing it in their younger days. According 
to a pretty trustworthy account, some of the young trees, 
from this orchard were transplanted to Sedgwick, and ap- 
ples were gathered from one of them as late as the fall of 
1873. They are on the farm of Levi Gray. The entire 
grounds were encompassed by a palisade. [Part III, Deed 
of Surrender of Fort Pentagoet.] 

The character attributed to Castin, differs according to 
the various prepossessions of those describing him. He 
was generally held in high esteem by the French, by whom 
he is said to have been a man of sound understanding, 
and quite "solicitous of honor." His relations, however, 
with the Governor, Monsieur Perrot, were not very amica- 
ble, and, at one time, the latter detained him seventy days 
upon the charge of a "weakness he had for some females." 
By the Indians, over whom he had great control, he was 
considered in the light of a tutelar divinity. He was 
feared as well as hated by the English, who accused him of 
inciting the savages against them, and of providing them 
with arms and ammunition. They made several attempts 
to induce him to desert the French cause, and, at one 
time, Mr. Palmer, a judge at New York, offered him a 
grant of all the lands he claimed as his, upon his becoming 
a British subject. He always, however, refused to recog- 
nize the English, and thereby preserved the possession of 


the place to the French. His letters show him to have 
been a very cautious man, and unwillinc^ to avouch any- 
thing he might not be able to sustain. He was also a man 
of means, having come into an inheritance in France, 
about the year 1686, of 5000 livres a year. There is no 
doubt but that he was at one time quite licentious ; but he 
afterwards reformed, and about the year 1687 — or 1688 — 
be was married to a daughter of Madockawando, a saga- 
more of the Tarratines. [French Documents, Part III.] 
La Hontan (said to have been his personal friend), 
asserts that he never had any other wife, "showing the 
savages," as he says, "that God is not pleased with incon- 
stant men." [La Hontan's Biog., Vol. I, p. 223.] By 
most authorities, however, he is declared to have had 
three or four wives. [Williamson; Sullivan; also Hutch- 
inson papers, p. 563.] According to an entry in the reg- 
ister of the Parish of St. Jean Baptiste, at Port Royal, a 
son and a daughter of Sieur Vincent de St. Castin, by the 
Dame Mathilde of the Parish of St. Famille, were each 
married the same day, October 31, 1707. In the same 
register is to be found the record of the marriage, on the 
fourth of December of the same year, of another daughter 
of the Baron's by the Dame Marie Pidiaskie. Notwithstand- 
ing the records of the above mentioned register, it is highly 
probable that the daughter of Madockawando was the only 
one to whom he was legally married, i. e., by the rights of the 
Catholic church. Were it otherwise, it is highly improb- 
able that his son Anselm, would have made any claim upon 
the estates and property of his father, in France.* He may, 
of course, have contracted a second marriage after the 
death of his first wife. 

If we may credit the accounts of the poet and the nov- 
elist — the latter of whom claims truth as the basis of her 
remarks — the daughter of Madockawando must have been 
a very lovely woman. She is described as being of a very 
light color, and is said to have possessed : — 

"A form of beauty undefined, 
A loveliness without a name, 
Not of decree, but more of kind; 
Nor bold nor shy, nor short upr tall, 
But a new min?;ling of thimi all. 
Yes, beautiful beyond belief. 
Transfigured and transfused, he sees 
The lady of the Pyrenees, 
The daughter of the Indian Chief." 

\_Lon(jfell(no. — Tlie Baron Castin, of St. Castin. \ 
*In Catholic countries, lik(! France, no marriages wore legal except such as 
were performed by the Catholic priests. 


Besides several reputed sons, Castin had two acknowl- 
edged sons, Ansel m and Joseph Dabadis. He had also 
two daughters, married, as has already been said, with rich 
dowries, to Frenchmen. Father L'Anvergat, in a letter to 
Father de La Chasse, dated Panouamske, July 8, 1728, 
speaks of an unmarried son, and of "all the sons being 
continually drunk and insolent." [Historical Magazine, 
Vol. 2, 3d Series, No. 3, p. 126.] The "Robardie" men- 
tioned in Williamson's History of Maine, was probably 
Joseph Dabadis, a son of the Baron. 

1692. In 1692, the Governor of New England attempt- 
ed the forcible abduction of Castin. The English having 
previously captured two Frenchmen, named James Peter 
Pan and St. Aubin, with their families, and brought them 
to Boston, the Governor sent them, with two deserters 
from the French army, to this phice, with instructions to 
seize Castin and take him to Boston. He also detained 
their wives and children as pledges for their faithful per- 
formance of this command. They, however, disclosed the 
whole matter, and gave up the two deserters. Sieur Vil- 
lebon, the French Governor, gave them 554 livres as a 
reward for their fidelity, and in order to relieve their neces- 
sities. He also assisted them in recovering their wives and 
children. [French Documents, Part HI.] 

1693. In 1693, the Baron and his family gave in their 
adhesion to the English. 

1701. In 1701, Baron Castin left for France, taking 
v/itli him two or three thousand crowns in "good dvj gold." 
It is x)robable that he never returned to America, although 
it is not unlikely that he intended to do so. It appears 
from the French letters, that he went to France to give 
an account of his conduct in regard to trading with 
the English, his justification for which was the necessity 
that he was under, he being unable to obtain the goods he 
needed, either at Nevv^foundland or at Port Royal. He 
also requested a grant of land upon the river de la Pointe 
an Hestre, and stated that he had a design of establishing 
a fishery at Molue, and of removing the Indians there. 

Anselm, the elder son of the Baron Castin, commonly, 
though erroneously, spoken of as " Castin the Younger," 
was, of course, a half-breed. He was a chief sachem of 
the Tarratines, and also held a commission from the French 
king, as 2d Lieutenant of the navy, with the pay and 
emoluments of the same. He hud an elegant French uni- 


form, Lut usually dressed after the mode of the Indians. 
He is said to have been mild, generous, humane, and mag- 
nanimous in his disposition ; to have possessed foresight 
and good sense ; to have been a cautious, sensible man, and 
a good talker. In the expedition against Port Royal 
(1707), he was sent, with others, from Annapolis, with dis- 
patches to Governor Vaudreuil, in Canada. He spent a few 
days with his family here, — Levingstone,who accompanied 
him, receiving from him every mark of hospitality and 
attention. They then proceeded up the Penobscot river. 
When they reached the Island of Lett,* an Indian, who 
had recently joined them, attempted to kill Levingstone 
with a hatchet, and would have succeeded had not the 
noble-minded Anselm thrust himself between them, and 
rescued him at the risk of his own life. 

In the year 1721, on account of his having been with a 
party of Indians that had lately appeared in array at Arrow- 
sic Island, some eastern soldiers, under general orders to 
seize such Indians as were in arms, captured and sent him 
to Boston. They could n6t try him for rebellion or treach- 
ery before the Superior Court in Suffolk, as that would be 
putting him on trial in one county for an offense commit- 
ted in another, which would have been contrary to law. 
He was, therefore, examined by a Committee. He pro- 
fessed the highest respect and friendship for the English ; 
said that he had lately returned from abroad on purpose to 
prevent his tribe from doing mischief; solemnly promised 
to try to keep them in a state of peace, and was at last 
discharged. Plis arrest, imprisonment and examination, 
were alike unjustifiable and cruel. 

In 1722, he visited Beam, in France, to obtain possession 
of his father's property, honors, and seignorial rights, of 
which he had been deprived, under the pretense of his 
illegitimacy, by the "first chicanierf of Europe, and Lieu- 
tenant General of the town of Oleron, in B(iarn, who for 
long years enjoys this property."^ This, too, in spite of 
the fact that he had the certificates of the missionaries and 
other evidences of the legality of his claim. [French Doc- 
uments, Part III.] Whether he ever succeeded in getting 
possession of his rightful property is not known. He must 
have returned from France, as Father L'Auvergat speaks 
of both the sons as being in this country in 1728, and 

♦Probably Orphan's I.slaud, now tlie town of Verona. 

tTricky lawyor. 

JThc liarou Castin must, therefore, have been dead several years. 


Murdoch mentions his being in Acadia, in 1731. He left 
one son and two daughters. The latter are said to have 
been married to highly respectable men. 

Of Joseph Dabadis de St. Castin, or"Castin the Youn- 
ger," but little is known. He is represented by Father 
L'Auvergat — who, however, was prejudiced against both 
him and his brother— as being frequently drunk and dis- 
orderly, but as having signalized himself in contests with 
the English. He was captured on one occasion, and had 
his vessel, and an English lad wliom he had purchased of 
the Indians, taken from him. The account of this capture 
is contained in the following letter, written by him to 
Lieutenant Governor Dummer : 

" Pentagoet, 23d July, 1725. 

Sib: — I have the honor to acquaint you that the 9th of 
this present month, as j rode at anchor in a small harbour 
about three miles distant from Nesket, having with me but 
one jndian and one Englishman whom j had redeemed from 
the salvages, as well as my vessel, j was attacked by an 
English vessel, the commander of which called himself 
Lieutenant of the King's ship, and told me also his name, 
which 3 cannot remember. 

Seeing myself thus attackt and not finding myself able 
to defend myself, j withdrew into the wood, forsaking my 
vessel. The commander of the vessel called me back 
promising me with an oath not to wrong me at all, saying 
that he was a merchant who had no design but to trade and 
was not fitted out for war, specially, when there was a 
talk of peace, and presently set up a flag of truce, and 
even gave me two safe conducts by writing, both which j 
have unhappily lost in the fight. Thus thinking myself 
safe enough, j came back on board my vessel, with my 
jndian and my Englishman, whom j brought to show that 
j had no thoughts of fighting, and that j had redeemed him 
from the jndians as well as the vessel. But as j was going 
to put on my clothes to dress myself more handsomely the 
commander who was come in my vessel Avith several of his 
people would not permit me to do it, telling me j was no 
more master of anything. He only granted me after many 
remonstrances to set me ashore. 

But after j came down and they held forth to me a bag 
full of bisket that was given to me as they said as a pay- 
ment for my Englishman. They did catch hold of me and 
the jndian who accompanied me, j got rid of him who 


was going to seize upon me, but my jndian not being able 
to do the same, j betook myself to my arms — and after 
several volleys j killed the man who kept him, and got him 
safe with me. This is the second time that j have been 
thus treacherously used, which proceedings j do not sup- 
pose that 5^ou approve of being against the laws of Nations. 
Therefore j hope that you will do me the justice, or that at 
least you will cause me to be re-imbursed of the loss j have 
Namely : — 

For the vessel that costed me 80 French pistoles; For 
the Englishman 10 pistoles ; 51 pounds of beaver that were 
in the vessell with 20 otters, 3 coats that have costed me 
together 20 pistoles; 66 pounds of shot that costed me 
twenty pence a pound ; 2 pounds of powder at 4 livres a 
pound ; 20 pounds of tobacco at 20 pence a pound ; a pair 
of scales 8 livres ; Tow cloth blankets each 28 livres ; Tow 
bear skins 8 livres apiece ; 4 skins of S£a wolf 8 livres for 
the four ; 3 axes 15 livres for both ; 2 kettles, 30 livres for 
both, and several other matters, which they would not 
grant me, so much as my cup. The retaken Englishman 
knoweth the truth of all this, his name is Samuel Trusk of 
the town of Salem near to Marblehead. 

j have the honor to be 
Your most humble & most 
obedient Servant Joseph , 
Dabadis db St. Castln"." 
[Hist. Magazine, Vol. 2., 3d Ser., No. 3, p. 125.] 
The Samuel Trask mentioned above, had been purchased 
by Castin from the Indians, who held him as a captive — 
under the following circumstances: — a season of great 
scarcity occurred, which drove the Indians to the cran- 
berry beds for subsistence. On one occasion, while they 
were gathering cranberries, a flock of wild geese alighted 
near by, and Trask's success in capturing the birds so com- 
mended him to Castin's favor, that he "redeemed" him. 
After being taken from Castin, Trask was transferred to a 
vessel commanded by the celebrated Captain Kidd, — with 
whom he remained for some time. [Williamson's Hist, of 
Me., Vol. 2, p. 144 ; also Se wall's Ancient Dominions of 
Me., p. 251.] In tlie office of the Secretary of tlie Com- 
monwealth of Massachusetts are letters referring to Indian 
affairs, written by Joseph Dabadis St. Castin, as lately as 


1754. No trace is to be found of any of tlie family since 
that time. Inquiries made a few years ago, in the south of 
France, by Augustus C. Hamhn, M. D., of the mayors of 
tlie Provinces of Pau and Oldron, go to show that no trace 
of the family can now be found there. In all probability, 
all the records — and possibly the family itself — were de- 
stroyed by the Revolution. 



Occupation of Pentagoet by Grandfontainic. — By 
Monsieur de Chambly. — Attack by Corsairs. — 
Capture by the Dutch. — Baron Castin in Pos- 
session. — Castin's House Pillaged by Andros. — 
Phipps takes Possession. — Sieur Villieu in Com- 
mand. — Phipps obtains a Title from Madocka- 
\VAND0. — Conference between Commissioners and 
Indians. — Torture of Thomas Gyles. — Caldin 
Trades at Pentagoet. — House of Anselm Castin 
Plundered by the English. — Church's Expedi- 
tion. — Visit of Captain Cox. — Governor Pow- 
nal's Visit and Description of the Place. — The 
New Settlement op Maja-bagaduce. — Some of 
the Early Settlers. 

1671. Monsieur le Grandfontaine held possession of, and 
resided at, Pentagoet for about four years — during a part 
of which time the Baron Castin was his Lieutenant. In 
the year 1671, in a letter to the Minister at Paris, he men- 
tions the fact of the arrival of the French vessel V Granger^ 
having on board sixty passengers — among whom were four 
girls and one woman. They were on their way to Port 
Royal. This is the earliest mention of any vessel bringing 
passengers here. In this same letter he remarks that he 
has bought a ketch from Colonel Temple, for the purpose 
of carrying the inhabitants and provisions to Port Royal. 
He says, also, that he must send to New England for a 
carpenter to construct a small vessel for him. He incident- 
ally remarks that the air here is very good. A census of 
Acadia, taken this year, gives the population at this place 
as consisting of thirty-one souls — six civilians and twenty- 
five soldiers. 

1673. In the year 1673, Grandfontaine was succeeded 
by Monsieur de Chambly. The white population at this 
time was the same as at the last date. The next year an 
attack was made upon the fort by pirates. 

1674. It seems that an Englishman, named John Rhoades, 
gained access to the fort in disguise, and remained there 
four days. In a short time he returned and attacked the 



place with the crew of a Flemish Corsair — numbering two 
hundred men. This vessel was " The Flying Horse^'''' from 
Curacoa, under the command of Ca])tain Jurriaen Aernouts, 
who had a commission from his Higlmess, the Prince of 
Orange. [De Peyster, Dutch in Maine, p. 76.] The gar- 
lison were taken completely by surprise, but the soldiers 
defended themselves bravely for the space of an hour, until 
Chambly received a musket shot in the body, and his Ensign 
was wounded, when they surrendered. The pirates pillaged 
tlie fort, took away all tlie guns, and carried Chambly and 
Marson to St. John's river. Tlie former w^as held for ran- 
som at the price of a thousand, beaver skins. Chambly 
was somewhat blamed by the, French king for his negli- 
gence in the matter. This act Avas disavowed by the 
English, but the leader had an English pilot from Boston, 
and the English there were thought to have encouraged 
the affair. [French Documents, Part III. — See, also, 
Murdoch's Acadie.] According to Williamson, the attack 
was made b}^ a Dutch man-of-war. [Hist, of Maine, Vol. 
1, p. 579; also. Part III, Governor Leverett's letter.] 

1676. Two years subsequently — in the spring of 1676 — 
the Dutch sent a veritable man-of-war, which attacked and 
caj)tured the fortification here. Several vessels were soon 
sent from Boston, and the Dutch were very shortl}^ after 
driven from the peninsula. [Williamson's Hist, of Me., 
Vol. I, p. 681 ; I. Hutchinson's Hist., pp. 280, 353.] For 
the next ten years the French remained in quiet possession, 
and Castin was probably in conmiand for the greater part 
of the time ; occupying himself in bartering for furs with 
the Indians, and, as sachem of the Tarratines, influencing 
and in a measure controlling their conduct with each other 
and with the English. 

1685. In 1685, the French Governor, Monsieur Perrot, 
borrowed money from Baron Castin, and purchased two 
fishing vessels. As none of the French inhabitants Avould 
man them, however, he was obliged to employ- English 
fishermen. The enterprise failed, owing to the dishonesty 
of the fishermen, who stole the fish and sent them to Boston. 
[French Documents, Part HI.] 

1686. In the year 1686, Palmer and West, commission- 
ers appointed by the Governor of Sagadahock, laid claim 
to the country as far east as the St. Croix river. Not being 
aware of this fact, a shipmaster of Piscataqua landed a 
cargo of wines here, thinking the place was under French 


rule — as, in reality, it was. Because, however, the duties 
had not been paid at Pemaquid, Palmer and West sent 
Thomas Sharpe here in command of a vessel, to seize the 
cargo. This greatly offended both the French and the New 
England people, but a restoration of the wines was ordered 
by the English Court, and the trouble was smoothed over. 
[Williamson's Hist, of Me., Vol. I, p. 583.] Palmer for- 
bade Castin's interference in this matter of the wines. He 
also forbade his threatening the subjects of the English 
king, " among others, those who dwell on the island of 
Martinique."* He also informed him that he would not be 
allowed to remain if he aided the Indians. The great trade 
in beaver skins at this time was proving injurious to the 
fisheries. [French Doc, Part HI.] 

1687. In the year 1687, Castin- was notified by the 
Government of New England that he must surrender tlie 
fort at Pentagoet. He did not, however, comply with this 
demand. He was this year engaged in constructing a mill 
for the Commonalty of Port Jloyal. He asked to have 
thirty soldiers sent to him, in order to be able to sustain 
himself against the English, and offered, if the assistance 
was granted, to make a settlement here of four hundred 
Indians. Castin complained strongly against Monsieur 
Perrot, because he retailed brandy by the half pint, and 
would not allow any of his domestics to do it for him. 

1688. In the year 1688, sometime in the month of 
March or April, Sir Edmond Andros, Governor of New 
England, arrived in the frigate Rose^ commanded by Captain 
George, and anchored opposite the fort and dwelling of 
Castin. Captain George sent his Lieutenant ashore to 
converse with the Baron. f The latter soon retired to the 
woods with all his people, and left his house shut up. Gov- 
ernor Andros and the others then landed and went into the 
house. They found there, in what appeared to be the 
common room of the family, a small altar and several 
pictures and ornaments, all of which they left uninjured. 
Tliey took away from his house, however, all his arms, 
powder, shot^ iron kettles, some trucking cloth, and his 
chairs. Verbal notice was sent to him by an Indian, that, 
if he would ask for liis goods at Pemaquid, and come under 
obedience to the King of England, they would be restored 

*(Juery. — Can it mean MntinicAts? 

tit was pr(tl)al)ly at this tiiiie tliat Andros carrifd to Madockawan lo the 
presents referred to in llie letter uf Mdux. Pasquiue, dated Deeemberli, lli.SS. 
bee Tart 111. 


to him. Andros, finding the fort had been origiriallj bullfc 
of stone and turf, and was now quite a ruin, concluded to 
abandon rather than to repair it. Castin was justly incensed 
at this outrage, and would undoubtedly have retaliated, had 
not the government of Massachusetts disavowed all respon- 
sibility in the matter, and adopted pacific measures. 
[Murdock.] The English, who were trading here this 
year, were driven away, and three or four small vessels 
carrying English goods, were sent back. About this time 
a fly-boat* belonging to Castin, was captured by the pirates, 
on her return from Quebec. [French Docvunents, Part III. j 

1689. About the year 1689 or 1690, one Thomas Gyles, 
who had been a prisoner to the Indians for several years, 
attempted to escape, but was retaken. He was carried to 
the heights of Maja-bagaduce, where he was subjected to 
torture. His nose and ears were cut oif and forced into 
his mouth, and he was compelled to swallow them. He 
was then burned at the stake, while his savage captors 
indulged themselves in a war-dance. [Sewall's Ancient 
Dom. of Me., p. 204.] A eensus of Acadia, taken this 
year, shows that there were here, in addition to the 
Indians, only four persons, viz., — a priest, a man and his 
wife, and one boy under fifteen years of age. 

1690. In May 1690, Sir William Phipps was sent, by 
order of the General Court of Massachusetts, to subdue 
the Province of Nova Scotia. He met with but slight 
resistance, and took formal possession of all the coast, from 
Port Royal to Penobscot. He visited several of the French 
settlements, and among them this. [Williamson's Hist, of 
Me., Vol. I, p. 596.] 

1693. In the year 1693, Castin, foreseeing, in all prob- 
ability, that the English supremacy would eventually be 
estaljlished upon this part of the coast, gave in his adhesion 
to the English Crown. -The English possession of the 
place at this time could, however, have been merely a nom- 
inal one, as we find a French officer, Sieur Villieu, in com- 
mand soon after. The inhabitants at this time, were — 
Castin, aged 57, his wife and one child ; Jean Renaud, 
aged 38, his wife (Indian) and four children ; Des Lauries, 
aged 40, his wife, named Jeanne Granger, and three chil- 
dren; making a total of fourteen. [French Do ciunents, in 
Mass. Archives.] 
*A flat-bottomed Dutch vessel. 


1694. To confirm his title to the place, Governor Phipps 
obtained, this year (1G04), a deed from Madockawando, 
covering the lands granted to I^eanchamp and Leverett, 
in the year 1629, by the Coancil of Plymouth. Somewhere 
about this time, one Denis Hyenan, a Dutchman, sent to 
Pemaquid on business for Governor Slaughter, reached 
JPenobsquicl, as this place was then called by the Dutch. 
Having been induced to come ashore, he was seized and sent 
to Canada, where he was kept a prisoner two years. [Ue 
Peyster, Appendix to Dutch in Maine, p. 11.] 

1696. In the year 1096, Castin went out into the bay 
with a flotilla of canoes and two hundred Indian warriors, 
to join the French under Iberville, in their attack on Pem- 
aquid. [SewalFs Ancient Dominion, p. 213.] 

1697. On the eleventh day of September, 1697, by the 
treaty of Ryswick, peace was concluded between the 
English and French. On the fourteenth of October follow- 
ing, a conference was held at this place, between Major 
Converse and Captain Alden, Commissioners from Mass- 
achusetts, and six sachems — attended by a large concourse 
of Indians. The latter, though mourning for Madocka- 
wando, who had but recently died, sang the songs and 
smoked the pipe of peace. The Commissioners insisted 
upon the release of all the prisoners and the banishment of 
the Catholic missionaries. The Indians consented to the 
release of the prisoners, but said that " the good missiona- 
ries must not be driven away." 

1698. During the year 1698, one Caldin (or Alden), is 
mentioned as trading at Pentagoet. He bought furs of, 
and sold goods to, a son-in-law of Baron Castin, and three 
other Frenchmen, who resided here. He paid three livres 
— equivalent to from forty-eight to sixty cents of our money 
— for every fourteen ounces of beaver, and fifty-five sous — 
equivalent to al)out eighty cents of our money — for winter 
beaver. The inhabitants at this time, were unwilling to 
dispose of their furs to the French, on account of the facil- 
ities they had for trading with the English. Complaint is 
made that the priest who was here at this time, traded more 
openly than his predecessors. 

1700. In the year 1700, complaint is made tliat Castin 
Bold furs to the English in Boston, and took his pay in 
English goods — which hindered the sale of French goods. 
It is also said that on account of the controlling influence 
of Castin and the missionary, the Indians had this year 
refused to receive presents from the French. The mission- 

84 pentagoet. 

ary declared, however, that the Indians refused to receive 
the customary presents because Monsieur VilHeu, the Gov- 
ernor, wanted at the same time to sell them brandy, which 
they did not want to buy, — " foreseeing the excess into 
which they fall when intoxicated." [French Documents, 
Part III.] 

1703. Up to the time of his departure for France, in 
1701, the abode of Castin remained unmolested. Two 
years after his departure, however, some English settlers, 
Avho resided at the westward, visited the house of Anselm 
Castin, under the guise of friendship, and, in retaliation 
for some misdemeanors of the Indians, plundered it of all its 
valuables. Anselm complained and expostulated, but pos- 
sessed too good judgment to retaliate. 

1704. In the year 1704, Queen An}ie''s war, as it was 
called, was being carried on between the English settlers 
and the Indians, the latter instigated and abetted by the 
French. In May of this year. Colonel Benjamin Church 
commanded an expedition made along the eastern coast. 
As he came up the bay he captured many French and 
Indians, among the latter of whom were the Baron Castin's 
daughter and her children. She stated that her husband 
had gone to France to visit her father. Church went as 
far as the Bay of Funcly, and again visited Penobscot upon 
his return. [Williamson's Hist, of Me.] 

From this time until the war of the Revolution, the pen- 
insula of Bagaduce remained in a condition of comparative 
quiet — notwithstanding the several Indian wars which kept 
the whole Province of Maine in a tumult. Tlie Penobscot 
Indians, although not entirely quiet, behaved, on the whole, 
much better than the neighboring tribes. During this 
whole period of seventy years, there is a great gap in the 
history of the place. The only things to be found, relating 
to it, are an account of a second severe earthquake, which 
happened on the eighteenth of November, 1755 ; the visits 
to this place, of Captain Cox and of Governor Pownal, 
and l)rief accounts of the earlier settlers. 

1757. In the year 1757, one Captain Cox came here in 
a small vessel and killed two Indians, whom he scalped. 
He carried off with him two canoes, a quantity of oil, some 
fish, and some sea-fowl feathers. [Williamson's Hist, of 
Me., Vol. 2, p. 826.] 

1759. Governor Pownal came over here from Fort Point, 
in 1759, and gives the following description of the place 
at that time: — "About noon left Wasumkeag point, and 


went in sloop Massachusetts to Pentaget, with Captain 
Cargill and twenty men. — Found the old abandoned French 
Fort and some abandoned settlements. Went ashore into 
the fort. Hoisted the* King's colors there and drank the 
King's health." In another place he says : — " To the east 
(of Long Island), is another Bay, called by the French 
Pentagoet, or Pentooskeag, where I saw the ruins of a 
French settlement, which from the scite and nature of the 
houses, and the remains of fields and orchards, had been 
once a pleasant habitation : Ones' heart felt sorrow that it 
had ever been destroyed." [Maine Hist. Col. — Gov. Pow- 
nal's Voyage, j). 3iS5, and Note.] 

1760. In the Governor's Address, January 2, 1760, he 
says that there are a great many families stand ready to 
go down to Penobscot, and as every other obstacle is 
removed, "you will take care that no uncertainty to the 
titles of the grants they may have, may be any objection to 
settlements which will be so greatly beneficial to the 
strength of the Province." 

1767—1774 The first information to be found in 
regard to an}^ settlers here, subsequent to the abandonment 
referred to by Governor Pownal, is in the year 1767, when 
Samuel Averill settled upon the northwest side of Northern 
Bay, and Jacob Perkins near him. In 1769, Finley 
McCullam settled upon tlie east side of Northern Bay, and 
in the year 1778, Daniel Brown settled also on the eastern 
side. In 1774, Joseph Willson settled at the head of 
Northern Bay. [Peter's Field notes for first survey of 
Penobscot. — Man.] There were undoubtedl}'- other settlers 
here at this time, but their names are not known. 

1775. In the Pennsylvania Journal, of August 23d, 
1775, the following passage occurs: — ''About the same 
time five sloops that had .been sent by General Gage for 
wood, were taken by the inhabitants of Major Baggadoose, 
a small, new settlement, not far from Fort Pownal ; and as 
there was some reason to fear that the Fort which stood at 
the head of Penobscot Bay (Fort Pownal), might be taken 
by the King's troops, and made use of against the country, 
the people in tliat neighborhood dismantled it, burnt the 
blockhouse, and all the wooden work, to the ground. — The 
prisoners taken at Machias and Major Baggadoose, about 
forty in number, Avere on their way to Cambridge, when 
the gentleman who brings this account, came away." — 
This is the last reference to this place that we have been 
able to find, prior to the War of the Revolution. 

36 pentag(5et. 



Charts of the Coast. — McLean Establishes a 
Military Post.— Description of the Fort. — Amer- 
icans MAKE Preparation for an Expedition. — 
Description of the American Fleet. — State of 
Affairs with the English. — American Attack. 
Defense by the British. 

1776. During the war of the Revoliitidn, the British 
became aware that they were suffering severely from the 
operations of the American cruisers and privateers — who 
possessed all the harbors in the eastern waters. According 
to the most generally received opinion, the Americans had 
a much more intimate knowledge of the various channels 
and harbors along the coast than did the English, and 
were thus enabled, with comparative impunity, to inflict 
much damage upon the commerce of the latter. The facts, 
though, in regard to our present maps of the coast, would 
seem to indicate exactly the opposite. There are in the 
U. S. Coast Survey Office, and in possession of some indi- 
viduals, ten lithographic maps of the several parts of the 
Coast of Maine. From the original ten of these charts, 
all the present maps in use are derived. There is, also, in 
possession of one of the officers of the Coast Survey, a 
copper-plate map of this harbor and Penobscot bay. This 
copper-plate map was published by J. P. Desbarres, by 
order of an Act of Parliament, April 27;, 1776. It has 
recently been found that the lithographic map of Penobscot 
bay, is a copy of this copper-plate map.* As this map was 
published only seventy days prior to the Declaration of 
Independence, it was not very likely to be in possession of 
the Americans until after the war. It was doubtless pub- 
lished, at the date mentioned, in anticipation of the approach- 
ing conflict, and copies Avere probably furnished to the 
entire English navy. So far, therefore, from the English 

*Mr. Samuel T. Noyes, of this town, irade the discovery hy copying the 
lithogiiiphic map upon tracing paper, and applying this copy" over the' copper- 
plate map. They were fouud to correspond quite accurately — enough so to 
show, without doubt, that the former was copied Irom the latter. 


having but a slight acquaintance with this part of the 
coast, they must, on tlie contrary, have had mucli more 
accurate charts of it than the Americans possessed at that 

1779. Whatever may have been their knowledge of the 
coast, the English determined, on account of the military 
importance of this country to the Americans, and also for 
its importance in supplying them with wood, lumber, masts, 
fish, etc., to establish a military post at this place. Accord- 
ingly, in the year 1779, General Francis McLeanf embarked 
at Halifax, with about seven hundred men, composed of 
detachments of the seventy-fourth and eighty-second Reg- 
iments, in a fleet of some seven or eight sail, and arrived 
atthis place, June the seventeenth. :|: [Calef's Journal, Part 
III.] They landed, without opposition, in front of Joseph 
Perkins's house — which stood on what is now the southeast- 
ern corner of Main and Water streets. Although they 
landed without opposition, they acted as if they expected 
an attack from a concealed foe. [Hutchins's Narrative, 
Part III.] They did not remain on shore this day, but 
returned to their vessels. The next day they came on 
shore, and encamped on the open land to the eastward of 
where the present fort stands. The time from this date to 
the eighteenth day of July, was occupied in clearing up the 
ground, felling trees, and building a fort upon the high 
ground in the central part of the peninsula — and also a 
battery near the shore — together with storehouses, bar- 
racks, etc. The fort was intended to be square, with a 
bastion at each angle, and to be sufficiently large in area 
to contain a block-house in the center, with rooms in it for 
the officers' quarters, and barracks for the soldiers. It was 
also the intention to surround it with a wide and deep 

The Americans becoming alarmed at the possession by 
the English of a military post upon the eastern frontier, 
the General Court of Massachusetts, in the latter part of 

*It is stated by officers of the Coast Survey, that the English must have 
l>oen fully twenty years in niakiug their ijurvcys for those maps of the coast 
of Maine". They are quite minute, and vahiable as showing the location of 
houses and lauds. The map of Peuohscot hay shows every house, jtrohably, 
that was upon this ptniiiisula at that time. A very imi)ortant fact to he 
derived from this map is, that the variation of the compass at tuis place, was 
at tliat time, only 9 deg. W., whereas, it is now lo deg. 30 miu, W. 

fThe name is given as Allan McLean, iu Drake's American IJiography. 

JWilliarason says they landed June the twelfth, and gives the number of 
soldiers as nine hundred. 



June, without consultation with the continental authori- 
ties, ordered the State Board of War to engage such armed 
vessels as could be procured, and to be prepared to have 
them sail on an expedition against the British at Penob- 
scot, at the earliest possible moment. The Board of War 
were authorized to charter or impress the requisite number 
of private armed vessels ; to promise the OAvners a fair 
compensation for all losses, of whatever kind ; and to 
allow the seamen the same pay and rations as those in the 
Continental service. Generals Gushing and Thompson, 
Brigadiers of Militia in Lincoln and Gumberland Counties, 
were each ordered to furnish six hundred men for this 
expedition, and Brigadier General Frost was ordered to 
send three hundred men from the York County Militia. 
They took with them the following supplies and munitions 
of war, namely; — nine tons of flour and bread; ten tons 
of rice, and the same quantity of salt beef ; twelve hun- 
dred gallons of rum and molasses, in eqtial quantities; 
five hundred stands of arms ; fifty thousand musket 
cartridges, with balls; two 18-prs., with two hundred 
rounds of cartridges ; three 9-prs., with three hundred 
rounds of cartridges ; four field pieces ; six barrels of gun- 
powder, and the necessary quantity of axes, spades, tents, 
and camp furniture. The fleet consisted of nineteen 
armed vessels, and twenty-four transports — carrying three 
hundred and forty-four guns. It has been described as 
" the most beautiful that ever floated in eastern waters." 
The vessels composing the fleet were the following: — 

Frigate Warren, ^2 guns, (18 and 12 prs.,) Com. 
Saltonstall. Ships 3Ionmouth, 24 guns ; Vengeance, 24 
guns ; General Putnam, 22 guns ; iSally, 22 guns ; Hamp- 
den, (Captain Titus Salter,) 20 guns ; Hector, 20 guns ; 
Hunter, 18 guns ; Black Prince, 18 guns ; Sky Rocket, 
IG guns. Brigs Active, (Captain Hallet,) 16 guns ; 
Defiance, 16, (6-prs.) ; Hazard, 16 guns ; Nancy, 16 guns ; 
Dilige7ice, (Captain Brown,) 14 guns ; Tyrannicide, 14 
guns. Sloops Providence, 14 guns ; Spring Bird, 12 
guns ; Hover, 10 guns. 

The Black Prince was owned by Captain Williams and 
others, and cost ,£1000. The Hector was owned by 
Jonathan Pert and others, and cost XIOOO. The Hunter 
was owned by Samuel Silsbee, and others, and also cost 
<£1000. The G-eneral Putnam wiis impressed. The esti- 
mated cost of the latter was £900. There were on board 


tlie fleet, in addition to the seamen, some three or four 
hundred soldiers and marines — and about one thousand 
more were expected. Moses Little, of Newbury, Massa- 
chusetts, was appointed to command the naval force, but 
he felt obliged to decline, on account of ill health, and the 
command was therefore given to Dudley* Saltonstall, of 
New Haven, Connecticut. [Coffin's History of Newbury.] 
Saltonstall was a man of good abilities, and had seen some- 
thing of naval warfare. He possessed, however, an exceed- 
ingly obstinate disposition, and was rather overbearing in 
his manner. Solomon Lovell, of Weymouth, a Brigadier 
General of the Suffolk Militia, had control of the land 
forces. He was a man of undaunted courage, but had 
never before had command of troops in actual service. 
General Peleg Wadsworth was the second in command. 
The charge of the ordnance was given to Lieutenant 
Colonel Paul Revere, famous for his "midnight ride." 
Although twelve hundred of the militia had been ordered, 
yet they had less than one thousand soldiers. If they 
exceeded the enemy somewhat in number, yet they were 
entirely undisciplined — never having even paraded together 
more than once — and were, consequently, not likely to be 
very reliable in an engagement. The whole force was 
very quickly in readiness, and upon the twenty-fifth day 
of July the fleet made its appearance in this harbor. 

Litelligence of this expedition was received by General 
McLean, July 18th, f and was fully confirmed a few days 
later. McLean changed his intention of making a regu- 
larly constructed fortress, and prepared, in a more expedi- 
tious manner, to erect one suitable merely for the present 
emergency. His troops were kept vigorously at work by 
night and day. Provisions, at this time, were very scarce, 
and the inhabitants were almost destitute of arms, as well 
as of food. A meeting was held, to determine on defence 
or submission, and Colonel Brewer, of Penobscot, and 
Captain Smith, of Marsh Bay, were appointed a committee 
to treat with the General. Tliey did so, and received the 
assurance that, if the inhabitants would be peaceable, and 
attend quietly to their own affairs, they should not be dis- 
turbed in their person or property. They were compelled, 

*Dr:iko, in his American Bio^rajjliv, calls him (rurdon; and Calef writos 
" G. Saltonstall." Williamson, in his history of Maine, calls him liichard. 
The order to take the command of the fleet is, however, addressed to Dudley 

tsevcn days before its arrival. Williamson says that the English received 
this iufyrmatiou only four days before the arrival of the fleet. 


however, to take an oath, either of allegiance or of 
neutrality. Six hundred and fifty-one persons came in 
and took an oath of the above nature. The fort, at this 
time, was ill prepared to resist an enemy. The northerly 
side of it was but four feet high, and the easterl}^ and 
westerly ends were laid up sloping, and resembled some- 
what a stone wall. From the back side to the front there 
was simply a depression, and the ground was not broken. 
The ditch was in no j)art over three feet in depth. So 
low were the walls that a soldier was heard to say that he 
" could jump over them with a musket in each hand." 
No platform had been laid, or artillery mounted. There 
was one 6-gun battery at Dyce's Point, and a small one 
begun somewhere on Cape Rozier. One hundred of the 
inhabitants, under the leadership of Mr. John Perkins, 
came in — some voluntarily, and others because com- 
pelled — and in three days' time, cleared the land of all the 
wood in front of the fort. Mr. William Hutchins, then a 
boy of fourteen, was one of this number, and helj)ed to 
haul the first log into the south bastion. One hundred 
and eighty men were also sent on shore from the men-of- 
war, to assist in preparing the defences. A messenger 
was dispatched to Halifax for aid. On Saturday, 
July 24th, a fleet was seen standing up the bay, and Cap- 
tain Mowatt, in command of tlie English men-of-war, 
determined to detain the sloops Albany^ North and Nauti- 
lus — which had been ordered for other service. The 
other vessels of the fleet had departed some time pre- 
viousl3\ The three sloops dropped down the harbor, and 
moored, in close line of battle, across the entrance, 
between the rocks at Dyce's Head and the point of Nauti- 
lus or Banks' Island— often, at that time, called Cross 
Island. On shore, some cannons were soon mounted, and 
the troops were in garrison the next morning. At three 
o'clock p. m., of the twenty-fifth, the American fleet made 
its appearance, and a brisk cannonade was kept up for 
about two hours. The Americans, also, made an attemj^t 
to land, but without success, owing to the high wind. 
The next day, July 26th, the English sloops moved further 
up into the harbor, and another cannonading took place, 
lasting two hours and a quarter, with but slight damage 
to either side. The Americans again attempted to make 
a landing upon the point, but were repulsed. At six 
p. m., however, they made a landing on Nautilus Island, 


Witll two liitndrecl men, dislodged a party of twenty 
marines, and took possession of four 4-prs. — two of which 
were not mounted. On the twenty-seventh there was 
some cannonading, and at three p. m., a boat, in passing' 
from the American vessels to Nautilus Island, was struck 
by a landom shot from the fort, and sunk. 

The morning of the twenty-eighth of July, was calm 
and foggy. At three o'clock a. ra., the American vessels 
were in line up and down the bay — ^just beyond musket shot 
of the enemy. Two hundred of the marines and two 
hundred of the militia were ordered into the boats. Mowatt's 
position at this time controlled the mouth of the harbor, 
and prevented a landing on the southern and eastern sides 
of the peninsula; and a trench had been cut across the isth- 
mus at the northward, which completely severed the neck 
from the main land, and prevented a hostile approach from 
that direction. [Williamson, Vol. 2, p. 473.] A landing 
could only be effected on the westerly side — which was 
at most places very precipitous. The boats landed, there- 
fore, upon this side, at a point about one-third of the way 
between Dyce's Head and the high bluff at the northwest- 
ern extremity of the peninsula.* The English troops, posted 
upon the heights, opened a brisk fire upon the boats just as 
they reached the shore, and a shower of musketry from the 
cliffs, was sent into the faces of the troops as they attempted 
an ascent. It is stated by an American officer — ^present at 
the time — -that balls from the English vessels passed over 
their heads ; but as the latter had moved further up the har- 
bor, it would seem almost incredible that their light metal 
(6 prs.) could have thrown so far. The ascent at the place 
of landing being found altogether impracticable, the troops 
divided into three parties. The right and left wings sought 
more practicable places for ascent, while the center kept up 
an incessant fire of musketry, to distract the attention of the 
foe. The right pressed hard upon the British left, and suc- 
ceeded in capturing a small battery. The left, however, 
closing in rather too qviickly upon the enemy, gave them a 
chance to escape, and they retreated, leaving thirty killed, 

*Tliis bluff is now ciilled Block-house Toint. At tiie place whore they 
liiiidi'd is a large granite lioulder, commonly known as the "white I'ock," or 
hs "Trask's roi^k." A lifer hoy by the nanie of Trask.was Itchind this rock play- 
ing tlie tife wliile his eonirades made the ascent. This Trask, some tifty-five 
years ago. visited this place, and pointed out to several citizens, the exact spot 
wiiere the landing was made. I'rrviously lo Trask's visit, it was called 
"liinekley's rock," after a Captain who is said to have climbed upon it to 
cheer ou his men, and to have been shut on the rock. 


wounded and taken. The Americans lost in this attack, 
according to the British account, one hundred men out of 
four hundred. [Calef 's Journal, Part III.] According to 
General Lovell's statement, however, the loss was only fifty. 
[Mass. Letter Book, No. 57, p. 305.] The loss was most 
severely felt by the marines, who ascended the steeper and 
more difficult part upon the left. The engagement, though 
a very brilliant one, was short, lasting only about twenty 
minutes. After the capture of the battery, the shij3s Avere 
enabled to move in nearer to the shore. Williamson says, 
[Hist, of Me., Vol. 2, p. 473,] that the place where the ascent 
was made, was uj) a steep precipice two hundred feet in 
height. As the highest point of land on the peninsula is 
only two hundred and seventeen feet, this statement, of 
course, is incorrect. It seems from the several accounts, 
that the marines suffered the most. Now, according to mili- 
tary usages, the left of the line would be given to them. 
Upon the right, a comparatively easy ascent could have been 
made. Nowhere, however, upon the left of their landing 
place, could an ascent have been made, except by climbing 
a very precipitous bank some thirty or forty feet in height. 
After making this ascent, the ground, though covered with 
boulders. and still rising, would present no great difficulties. 
There is no doubt whatever, but that this was a very dar- 
ing assault, and had the American troops eventually suc- 
ceeded in taking possession of the fort, this attack would 
have been one of the most brilliant achievements of the 
war. Their final defeat, however, obliterated all recol- 
lection of their former bravery.* Some hours later upon 
this day, cannonading took place between the British ves- 
sels and the battery on Nautilus Island ; but, finding their 
6 prs. were of but little service against the heavier guns of 
the battery, Captain Mowatt deemed it advisable to move 
still further up the harbor.f Sir John Moore, — who was 
killed at Corunna, Spain, June 16th, 1809, and in com- 
memoration of whose burial the ode commencing, " Not a 
drum was heard, nor a funeral note," was composed — was 
at that time a Lieutenant and Paymaster in H. B. M's 82d 
Regiment, and was present on picket when this attack was 

*They are reported to have buried their dead upon the level ground just 
above 'frask's rock. The presumption in favor of their burial being in that 
place, is A'ery strong; but the surface of this region has become so changed 
jby tune, that those now living, who once knew, are unable to designate the 
exact spot. 

tFor more particular accounts of this attack, see Calef 's Joui'nal, in Part III, 
and Williamson's Hist, of Maine, Vol. 2, pp. 470 to 473. 


made.* [British Plutarch, p. 243.] Captain, afterwards 
Sir James Henry Craig, was also present and held some com- 
mand at the time of this siege. [Drake's Diet, of American 

On the olst, a detachment of militia and marines, under 
command of General Wadsworth, landed at the westward 
of the half-moon battery (situated at the left of the main 
fort), and attacked the enemy's picket. They found five 
of the enemy dead, and took fourteen prisoners, but were 
themselves soon repulsed with considerable loss. Upon 
the third of August, they erected a battery on the main land 
north of the peninsula, in the field behind where Captain 
Joseph Wescott's house now standi, between it and the 
shore. Three days later, the British erected a battery 
directly opposite, on what is now known as Hatch's Point. 
On the seventh, as a boat was crossing from Nautilus 
Island to Henry's Point (then called Hainey's plantation) 
where the Americans had a picket, the boats from the 
Nautilus succeeded in capturing her, but the crew made 
out to escape and join the picket. 

Immediately after the engagement of the 28th ult., a 
council of war of the American land and naval forces, was 
called. The officers of the land forces were in favor of 
demanding an immediate surrender, but Commodore Sal- 
tonstall, and some of his officers, were opposed to it. It 
was next proposed to storm the fort, but the marines had 
already suffered so much, that the Commodore refused to 
disembark any more, and even threatened to recall those 
already on shore. Their force being thought insufficient 
to capture the place, special messengers were sent to Boston, 
in ivhaleboatti, tor assistance. The time, up to August 13th, 
was occupied by Commodore Saltonstall, in manuiuvering 
about the entrance of the harbor, and in frequent cannon- 
ading, while General Lovell gradually advanced, by zigzag 
intrenchments, to within seven hundred yards of the fort, 
besides erecting the batteries already mentioned, and sev- 
eral others. This lapse of time gave the British every 
advantage, and General McLean improved the time by per- 
fecting his fortifications, erecting new defences, and mount- 
ing cannon. 

Upon the eleventh of August, two hundred men, under 
the command of Brown and Bronville, took post near the 
half-moon battery, and awaited the signal to retreat. A 

* Mr. Ilutchins dcehircd that lie knew liim well, and that he went by the 
name of "Skipper Moore." — ,So it is stiitctl to us. 

44 pentaG(3et. 

j^arty of the enemy, concealed behind a barn, fired upon 
them when they left. The next day it was decided by 
the Americans to make a combined attack with the entire 
force, both of land and sea, and upon the thirteenth, 
General Lovell, at the head of two hundred men, took 
the rear of Fort George. [Deposition of Samuel McCobb, 
in Vol. on Pen. Exp. in Sec. of State's Office, Boston.] 
It was too late. The same day he received intelligence 
by one of his vessels which had been reconnoitering, that 
a British fleet was standing up the bay. A retreat was at 
once ordered. 

About this time. Captain Little, of the American sloop 
of war Wmthrop^ capered a sloop in the bay, from the 
crew of which he learned the position of an armed brig 
of the British, which, having previously taken the sloop, 
had sent her out after coasters. Captain Little deter- 
mined to take this brig by surprise. The Winthrop, 
accordingly, bore down in the night, having forty men — 
dressed in white frocks, in order to distinguish friend 
from foe — in readiness to jump aboard the brig. When 
close by, she was hailed by the enemy — who supposed her 
to be a prize of the sloop — who cried out, " You will run 
aboard." " I am coming aboard," answered Captain Little, 
and immediately Lieutenant (afterwards Commodore) Ed- 
ward Preble, with fourteen men, sprang aboard. The 
rest missed their opportunity — owing to the speed of the 
vessel. Captain Little called to Preble, " Will you have 
more men?" The latter, with great presence of mind, 
loudly answered, " No ; we have more than we want ; we 
stand in each other's way." The greater part of the 
enemy's crew leaped overboard, and swam to the shore. 
Lieutenant Preble made the officers of the brig prisoners 
in their beds, assuring them that resistance was in vain. 
The troops upon the shore fired upon them, and they 
experienced a heavy cannonade from the battery. Not- 
withstanding this, they succeeded in getting the brig safely 
out of the harbor, and to Boston. [Peterson's Hist, of 
Navy, pp. 175, 176.] 



Arrival of British Fleet. — DESTRUCTioisr of A:meri- 
CAisr Fleet. — Cause of Failure of the Expe- 
dition. — Subsequent British Occupation of the 
Place. — Condition of the Inhabitants. — Anec- 
dote OF Atwood Fales. — Of Waldo Dicke. — Ac- 
count OF THE Escape from Fort George, of Wads- 
worth AND Burton. 

1779. Aug. 14th. During the night of the thirteenth 
of August, the Americans silently removed their cannon 
from the peninsula, and embarked in their vessels. 
Early on the morning of the next day, they spiked and 
dismounted their cannon on Nautilus Island and, going on 
board a brig, made haste to join their fleet. The British 
fleet soon appeared in the offing. It consisted of: — The 
Haisonnable, Captain Evans, 64 guns, 500 men, Sir 
George Collier's F. S. ; Blande, Captain Berkley, 32 guns, 
220 men ; GreyJiound^ Captain Dickson, 28 guns, 200 
men ; Galatea, Captain Read, 24 guns, 180 men; Camilla, 
Captain Collins, 24 guns, 180 men ; Virginia, Captain 
Ord, 18 guns, 150 men ; Otte?; Captain — , 14 guns, 100 men. 
Making in all, seven vessels, carrying two hundred and four 
guns, and fifteen hundred and thirty men. This number, 
added to the three sloops-of-war already in the harbor, 
made such a vastly superior force, that it would have been 
folly to attempt any resistance. Nothing was left, there- 
fore, for the Americans, but to retreat. Commodore 
Saltonstall arranged his fleet across the bay, in the form 
of a crescent, for the purpose of checking the advance of 
the enemy sufficiently to enable the land forces on board 
the transports to make good their escape. Sir George 
Collier, however, feeling such entire confidence in the 
very great superiority of his fleet, advanced at once, with- 
out hesitation, and, pouring in a broad-side, caused the 
American vessels to crowd on all sail, and attempt an 
indiscriminate flight. The Hunter and Hampdcii, in 
attempting to escape by way of the i)assage between Long 
Island and Belfast, were cut off and taken. The former 
vessel was run on sliore witli all her sails standing, but 


her crew succeeded in reaching the land. The Defiance 
ran into an inlet near by, and was fired by her crew. The 
^ky Rocket was blown np near Fort Point ledge, and the 
Active was burned off Brigadier's Island. The others 
escaped further up the river, but were all set on fire and 
blown up by their crews, to prevent them from falling into 
the hands of the enemy. 

Thus this expedition, notwithstanding the bravery of 
the first attack, ended both disastrously and disgracefully 
to the Americans. A comparatively small garrison, with 
only three sloops-of-war, held out successfully for twenty- 
one days, against a vastly superior force. The whole 
blame, undoubtedly, falls upon Commodore Saltonstall, 
who was popularly charged with having been "bought 
by British gold." He was tried, subsequently, for cow- 
ardice, by a Court Martial, and cashiered. The following 
petition, signed and sent to him by the Lieutenants and 
Masters of the several vessels of the fleet, shows plainly 
what his subordinate officers thought : — 

" Tuesday A. M., July 27th, 1779. 

Your petitioners, strongly impressed with the impor- 
tance of the Expedition, and earnestly desiring to render 
to our countr}^ all the service in our power, would repre- 
sent to your honor that the most speedy exertions should 
be used to accomplish the design we came upon. We 
think delays, in the present case, are extremely dangerous 
— as our enemies are duly fortifying and strengthening 
themselves, and are stimulated so to do, being in daily 
expectation of a reinforcement. We do not mean to 
advise, or censure your past conduct, but intend only 
to express our desire of improving the present opportu- 
nity to go immediately into the harbor, and attack the 
enemy's ships. However, we humbly submit our senti- 
ments to the better judgment of those in superior com- 
mand. We, therefore, wait your orders, whether in 
answer to our petition, or otherwise. And, as in duty 
bound, will ever pray." [Pen. Expedition, in State 
Archives, Mass.] Even the British commander did not 
hesitate to call him a coward, and said that he should 
have surrendered the very first day, if such a demand 
had been made. Ignorance, on his part, of the condition 
of the British defences, cannot be urged as an excuse ; for 
Colonel Brewer, who had inspected them the previous 
day, visited him, and gave him an exact account of them. 


Upon Brewer's urging him to make another attack, 
Saltonstall coarsely replied : — " You seem to be d-d know- 
ing aljout the matter ! I am not going to risk my ship- 
ping in that d-d hole ! " The British retained possession 
of the place until after peace was declared. They evac- 
uated it in December, 1783. 

The English, during their occupation of the place at 
this time, treated the inhal)itants, upon the whole, in as 
conciliatory a manner as could be expected. This was 
done, doubtless, partly from policy, but partly, also, in view 
of the fact that many of the inhabitants were at heart 
tories. This assertion is rendered probable by the fol- 
lowing passage, which occurs in an order to General 
Lovell, dated at the Council Chamber, July 2d, 1779 : — 
" And as there is good reason to believe that some of 
the principal men at Majorl^agaduce requested the enemy 
to come there and take possession, you will be particularly 
careful that none of them escape, but to secure them, 
that they may receive the just reward for their evil 
doings." Notwithstanding the friendliness of many of 
the citizens, a great deal of discrimination was used, and 
none of them were allowed within the fort, except Mr. 
Nathan Phillips, Mr. Cunningham and his family and 
driver, Mr. Dyce and family, and Mr. Finley McCullum,. 
who were all employed in His Majesty's service. The 
inhabitants were obliged to bring in all their guns — for 
which they were paid at the rate of three dollars each. 
They were forbidden to leave the peninsula, without per- 
mission, and were compelled to labor upon the defences. 
Provisions, at this time, were very scarce among them, 
and, as they had no guns, they were ol)liged to depend 
upon the rations issued to them by the English Commis- 
sary. This compelled a majority of them to labor in the 
English service, as none others could draw rations. The 
English, also, from time to time, issued orders to them to 
bring in wood, lumber and vegetables. [See MacZachlar's 
Order, Part III.] Orders were, on the other hand, 
issued to the troops, strictly prohil)iting any digging of 
potatoes, or other vegetables belonging to the inhabitants, 
or plundering of any kind. Marauding and setting fire to 
the houses of the inliabitants were also forbidden, by 
special orders. AU strangers, upon their arrival in town 
were ordered to report to Doctor Calef.* Those not com- 

* A Surgeon and an acting cbaplaiu. 


plying, were to be fined or corporeally punished. This 
order was sent to all the neighboring towns. The inhab- 
itants were also commanded to be always in readiness for 
military service, and to be mustered and inspected once a 
week. At one time, small change became so scarce, that 
the British commander ordered all silver dollars to be cut 
into five pieces, and each piece to pass current for one shil- 
ling. This practice, however, gave such an opportunity 
for fraud, that it was soon found necessary to call them in, 
and rescind the order. 

1780. On October 27th, 1780, there was a total echpse 
of the sun, visible here, but not total farther west. 
Observations were made at Long Island, by Reverend 
Samuel Williams, Hollisean Professor of Mathematics, at 
Harvard College. The British officer in command here 
refused to allow his party to laud upon this peninsula, and 
only allowed them until the 28th to remain in the bay. 
This was, perhaps, the earliest observation of the kind 
made in this country. The winter of this year was prob- 
ably the coldest ever known in this vicinity. The cold 
was so intense, and for so long a period, that the bay was 
frozen over from here to Camden, and Lieutenant Burton 
came all the way from that place on the ice. He was in 
search of a man by the name of Libby, who was impris- 
oned here at the time. After obtaining liis release, Bur- 
ton returned with him in the same manner. 

The following episodes of events occurring during the 
British occupation, are of interest, and may appropriately 
be inserted in this place. 

In the year 1779, while the American force was attempt- 
ing the capture of the place, one Atwood Fales, of 
Thomaston, who belonged to Lovell's force, while going 
out one morning for a pail of water, was twice fired upon 
by a whole company-^numbering some sixty men — of the 
English at once, with no detriment to himself, but to the 
immense astonishment of the assailants, who thencefor- 
ward considered him invulnerable. [Eaton's Hist. Thom. 
S. Thom. and Rockland, p. 152.] 

In the year 1780, Waldo Dicke, of Warren, with some 
other tories, captured a sloop at Maple Juice Cove, near 
Rockland, and succeeded in getting her safely here. 
General Campbell, who had succeeded McLean in com- 
mand of the post, was not, however, particularly well 
pleased, either with the manner in which the exploit was 


performed, or with the parties engaged therein. He 
accordingly offered her back at a very moderate ransom,* 
and the tories found they had had a great deal of labor to 
very little purpose. [Hist, of Thom. &c., pp. 144-145.] 

An account of the celebrated and really remarkable 
escape of General Wadsworth and Major Burton, from 
their imprisonment in Fort George, will be a fitting 
termination to our history of this period. f 

In the month of February, 1780, General Campbell, the 
commander of the garrison, learning that General Peleg 
Wadsworth was at his home in Thoraaston, without any 
troops except a guard of six soldiers, determined to make 
him a prisoner. He accordingly sent a force of twenty-five 
soldiers, under the charge of Lieutenant Stockton, for this 
purpose. After a sharp contest, in which several of the 
British soldiers were killed and wounded, and in which 
General Wadsworth was himself severely wounded, they 
succeeded in making him a prisoner. On their arrival at 
the British post, the capture of General Wadsworth was 
soon announced, and the shore was thronged with specta- 
tors to see the man, who, through the preceding year, had 
disappointed all the designs of the British in that quarter j 
and loud shouts were heard from the rabble, which covered 
the shore ; but when he arrived at the fort, and was con- 
ducted into the officers' guard-room, he was treated with 
politeness. General Campbell sent his compliments to him, 
and a surgeon to dress his wounds, assuring him that his 
situation should be made comfortable. He was furnished 
with books, allowed to receive visitors, and at the hour of 
dining, he was invited to the table of the commandant, 
where he met with all the principal officers of the garrison, 
and from whom he received particular attention and polite- 
ness. General Wadsworth soon made application for a flag 
of truce, by which means he could transmit a letter to the 
Governor of Massachusetts, and another to Mrs. Wadsworth. 
This was granted him, upon condition that the letter 
to the Governor should be inspected. The flag was intrusted 
to Lieutenant Stockton, a.nd on his return, the General was 
relieved from all anxiety respecting his wife and family. 
At the end of five weeks, his wound being nearly healed, 
he requested of General Campbell, the customary privilege 

* His ofter was not accepted. 
tTliis aceouut is talicu from Thachcr's Journal of the llevolulionary 


of a parole, and was told in reply, that his case had beeil 
reported to the commanding officer at New York, and that 
no alteration could be made until orders were received 
from that quarter. In about two months, Mrs. Wadsworth 
and Miss Fenno arrived. About the same time, orders 
were received from the commanding General, at New York, 
which were concealed from General Wadsworth. He 
finall}^ learned that he was not to be paroled or exchanged, 
but was to be sent to England, as a rebel of too much con- 
sequence to be at liberty. Not long afterwards, Major 
Benjamin Burton, a brave and worthy man, who had served 
under General Wadsworth the preceding summer, was 
taken and brought into the fort, and lodged in the same room 
with the General. He had been informed that both him- 
self and the General were to be sent, immediately after the 
return of a privateer, now out on a cruise, either to New 
York or Halifax, and thence to England. 

The prisoners immediately resolved to make a desperate 
attempt to escape. They were confined in a grated room 
in the officers' barracks, within the fort. The walls of 
this fortress, exclusive of the ditch surrounding it, were 
twenty feet high, with fraising on the top, and chevaux de 
/rise at the bottom. Two sentinels were always in the 
entry, and the door, the upper part of which was of glass, 
might be opened by these watchmen, whenever they 
thought proper, and was actually opened at seasons of 
peculiar darkness and silence. At the exterior doors of the 
entries, sentries were also stationed, as were others in the 
body of the fort, and at the quarters of General Campbell. 
At the guard-house a strong guard was daily mounted. 
Several sentinels were stationed on the walls of the fort, 
and a complete line occupied them by night. Without the 
ditch, glacis, and abatis, another complete set of soldiers 
patrolled through the night. The gate of the fort was 
shut at sunset, and a picket-guard was placed On, or near, 
the isthmus leading from the fort to the main land. The 
room in which they were confined was ceiled with boards. 
One of these they determined to cut oft", so as to make a 
hole large enough to pass through, and then to creep along 
till they should come to the next, or middle entry — lower- 
ing themselves down into this by a blanket. If they should 
not be discovered, the passage to the walls of the fort was 
easy. In the evening, after the sentinels had seen the pris- 
oners retire to bed, General Wadsworth got up, and, stand- 


ing in a chair, attempted to cut with his knife the intended 
opening-, but soon found it impracticable. The next day, 
by giving their waiter (Barnabas Cunningham), a dollar, 
they procured a gimlet. With this instrument they pro- 
ceeded cautiously, and as silently as possible, to perforate 
the board, and in order to conceal every appearance from 
their servants and from the officers, they carefully covered 
the gimlet holes with chewed bread. At the end of three 
weeks, their labors were so far completed that it only 
remained to cut with a knife the parts which were left to 
hold the piece in its place. When their preparations were 
finished, they learned that the privateer, in which they 
were to embark, was daily expected. 

In the evening- of the eighteenth of June, a very severe 
storm of rain came on, with great darkness, and almost 
incessant lightning. 

This the prisoners considered as the propitious moment. 
Having extinguished their lights, they began to cut the 
corners of the board, and in less than an hour, the 
intended opening was completed. The noise, which the 
operation occasioned, was drowned by the rain falling on 
the roof. Major Burton first ascended to the ceiling, and 
pressed himself through the opening. General Wads- 
worth next, having put the corner of his blanket through 
the hole, and made it fast by a strong wooden skewer, 
attempted to make his way through, by standing on a 
chair below, but it was with extreme difficulty — owing to his 
■\vt)unded arm — that he at length succeeded in doing so, 
and reached' the middle entry. From this he passed 
through the door, which he found open, and made his way 
to the wall of the fort, encountering the greatest difficulty 
before he could ascend to the top. He had now to creep 
along the top of the fort, between the sentry boxes, at 
the very moment when the relief was shifting sentinels ; 
but the falling of heavy rain kept the sentinels within 
their boxes, and favored his escape. Having now fastened 
his blanket round a picket at the top, he let himself down 
through the chevaux de frise, to the ground, and, in a 
manner astonishing to himself, made liis way into an open 
field. Here he was obliged to grope his way among rocks, 
stnm})s and Ijrush, in the darkness of the night, till ho 
reached the cove. Happily, the tide had ebbed, thus 
enabling him to cross the water — which was about one 
half a mile in breadtli, and not more than three feet deep. 


About two o'clock in the morning, General Wadsworth 
found himself a mile and a half from the fort, and pro- 
ceeded on, through thick wood and brush, to the Penob- 
scot river. After passing some distance along the shore, 
being seven miles from the fort, to his unspeakable joy, he 
saw his friend Burton advancing towards hira. Major 
Burton had been obliged to encounter, in his course, equal 
difficulties with his companion — having come face to face 
with a sentinel, when leaving the fort, whose observa- 
tion he eluded by falling flat upon the ground. Such 
were the incredible perils and obstructions which they sur- 
mounted, that their escape may be considered almost 
miraculous. It was now necessary that they should cross 
the Penobscot river, and very fortunatel}^ they discovered 
a canoe, with oars on the shore, suited to their purpose. 
While on the river, they discovered a barge, with a party 
of British from the fort, in pursuit of them. By taking 
an oblique course, and plying their oars to the utmost, 
they happily eluded the eyes of their pursuers, and 
arrived safely on the western shore. After having wan- 
dered in the wilderness for several days and nights, 
exposed to extreme fatigue and cold, and with no other 
food than a little dry bread and meat, which -they had 
brought in their pockets from the fort, they reached the 
settlements on the river St. George, and no further difficul- 
ties attended their return to their respective families.* 

* For full particulars In regard to Burton's escape, see manuscript narra- 
tive, by William D. Williamson, in Archives of Maine Hist. Society. Dr. 
Joseph L. Stevens, of this town, has also a copy of the same. 


" Far eastward o'er the lovely bay, 
Penobscot's clustered wiofwams lay; 
And gently from that Indian town 
The verdant hillside slopes adown 
To where the sparkling waters play 
Upon the yellow sands below." 

Whittier—Mogg Megone. 

tI^*W^ * • 'WW' 


■#-^ T — -, 1> 




BHiioksMiu; ,-•? Penobscot 



> r?*,^- 

'» /-^t. )L.J- --^ '•■ 



v 'V 





Boundaries. — Divisions. — Areas. — Natural Scen- 
ery. — Soil. — Crops. — Geology. — Mineralogy. — 
Flora. — Fauna. — Climatology. 

The territory which includes the three towns of Penob- 
scot, Castine and Brooksville, is situated upon the eastern 
side of Penobscot river and bay, about twenty-five miles 
from tlie mouth of the bay, and thirty-six miles below the 
liead of navigation. The distance, in an air line, from Port- 
land, is about ninety miles, and from Washington, six 
hundred and seventy miles. It is bounded on the north 
by the town of Orland, on the east by Surry and. Bluehill, 
and upon the south by Sedgwick, Algemogin* Reach and 
Penobscot bay. The latitude, at Dyce's Head, is 44° 
22 ' 57 " N., and the longitude 68° 48 ' 49 " W. This terri- 
tory is intersected by an arm of the sea, called the Bag- 
aduce river, which, expanding in its upper part into 
two bays — called, respectively, the Northern and South- 
ern haj& — and connected by a stream with a large sheet 
of fresh water, called Walker's Pondf, makes a wide 
sweep, and comes again to within about a half-mile of 
the waters of the ocean at Alemog-in, or Eo-cremocfo-in, 
Reach. The former town of Penobscot was divided into 
three nearly equal parts. That portion upon which the 
town of Castine is now situated, is a peninsula extending 
southwardly into the waters of Penobscot bay. That 
portion of this peninsula upon which is the village of Cas- 
tine, was formerly itself a smaller peninsula, l)ut is now — 
by reason of the canal, made by the British in 1814 — in 
reality an island, bearing some resemblance in its shape to 
a boot, the toe of which points to the northeast. Its area is 
about 2,600 acres. The town of Brooksville is also a 
peninsula, the lower part of which, like that of Castine, 
is almost an island ; two large coves, called Lawrence's Bay, 

*lTsniilly written J']^'gein()ggiii. The word we luive used is tlic, and 
probably tin; most eorrcet. 

t The Indian name of this i)ond is said to si>;nify, •' Tlie beautiful water 
phic'c." It being Winuc-agwam-auli, eontracted into AMnncwag. 


and Orcutt's Harbor, forming indentations which approach 
within a half-mile of each other. The southAvestern 
extremity of Castine is known as Dyce's Head, and the 
southwestern portion of Bropksville as Cape Rozier. The 
remaining portion of the territory, northward, forms the 
present town of Penobscot. The town embraced, before 
Castine was set off, an area of 3S,410 acres. Castine, at the 
time of its incorporation, comprised an area of 18,100 acres, 
to which, subsequently, about 5,000 acres were added from 
Penobscot. Brooksville, at the time of its incorporation, 
took from Castine about one-half, and from Penobscot 
about one-fourth of its territory, and also received a small 
portion from Sedgwick. 

Natueal Sceneey. 

The natural scenery of this region, though not so grand 
as that of mountainous districts, nor so sublime as that of 
many places lying more exposed to the ocean, is, never- 
theless, both variegated and beautiful. The hills, dales 
and ponds of Penobscot and Brooksville; the bays and 
isles of Brooksville and Castine ; and the view of Penob- 
scot river and bay, from all these toAvns, afford scenes, the 
picturesqueness of which can hardly be surpassed. Penob- 
scot possesses two ponds, called, respectively, Pierce's and 
North Bay Pond. In addition to these, about one-half of 
Toddy Pond bounds the town upon the northeast. 
Brooksville contains six ponds, all, — except Walker's — 
of less size than those just mentioned, but of equal beauty. 
Castine has no natural pond, but it boasts the possession of 
a harbor " in which the navies of the world might ride at 
ease," and which contains many beautiful islands. Of 
these, Nautilus Island, containing about thirty acres of 
land, comes within the jurisdiction of Brooksville — being 
connected with that town by a bar. Holbrook Island, 
further to the southwest, containing about fifty acres, is a 
part of the municipality of Castine. In addition to these, 
are the two "Nigger*" Islands, Hospital or Noddle Island, 
— opposite the village — and some seven or eight small 
rocky islets. 

* Is it not possible that the name of those islands is derived from the 
"Nrj^evv," over which Eciward Niijlor had eommand, in 1602? There is no 
batialuctory tradition to account for the name of these islands. 

beooksville and penobscot. 57 

Soils and Crops. 

The soil of this region is, generally speaking, a sandy 
loan, devoid of much humus. As a whole, it has few claims 
to being considered a profitable farming locality, though it is 
as much so, perhaps, as similar situations upon the sea- 
shore.*' There are some fine farms, and excellent pastures, 
as well as timber lands, in Penobscot and inT3rooksville, 
and the gardens and orchards in the village of Castine are 
quite productive. The principal crops are grass, rye, oats 
and potatoes. Of late years, the cultivation of the cran- 
berry has received considerable attention in Castine, and 
bids fair to become, eventually, a paying crop. 

Geological Formation. — Minerals. 

The Geological formation consists of talcose, micaceous 
and plumbaginous slate, slate and trap rocks, gneiss, mica 
schist and granite. [Jackson' Geological Report.] The 
only minerals occurring here, that we are aware of, are 
quartz, mica, and copper and iron p3a"ites — which are 
found in considerable abundance in Brooksville. A very 
good quality of clay is found here in abundance, and 
along the shores are to be found many extensive deposits 
of clam shells — no oyster shells have, however, been 
observed amongst them. These, and other shells, are fre- 
quently found collected into petrifactions, and the im- 
pressions left by them in the mud, in past ages, are often 
now seen in the rocks. 


The Flora of this region is, in general, similar to that of 
the rest of the eastern coast of Maine. The description 
in this place is confined solely to the trees found here. A 
list of the other plants found here is given in the Appendix. 

The woods upon the i)eninsula of Castine, have been 

pretty thoroughly decimated by the axe. In Brooksville 

and Penobscot, there is still a large quantity left. Among 

the Forest Trees commonly found may be mentioned the 

Beech, Birch, Alder, Cedar, Juniper, (or Hackmatack,) 

Oak, Hemlock, Spruce and Willow. Those which are 

much less commonly to be met with are the Ash, Cherry, 

Elm, Horse Chesnut, Maple, Fir and Pine. Those which 

* Monsieur Taloii compared it— in 1G70— to Port Royal, and the region 
about the river St. John. 


may he considered a? rare., are the Hornheam, Wild Plum, 
and Poplar. The above constitute the principal trees 
known, with certainty, to he found at the present time, or 
which are thought to have grown here in olden times. 


A description of the Fauna of this region must necessa- 
rily, in a book of this kind, be of a very general nature, 
and expressed in general terms. Amongst mammalia, 
the only animal of a ferocious nature ever met with, in 
this vicinity is the Wildcat. This animal was so abundant 
in former times, that bounties were offered for the destruc- 
tion of it. Although much less common at present, it is 
still to be found, in the Avinter season, in our woods. 
Bears were probably met with here, in early times, but no 
reference to them has been found, and none have been 
seen of late years. Of the Deer family, the only kind now 
met with is the common Red Deer, though the Moose is 
known to have been formerly a denizen of our woods. The 
only one of the Dog family known in this region, at the 
present day, is the red, and possibly the silver gray Fox. 
The other animals valuable for their fur., that are (or 
were) found here, are the Beaver, Ermine*, Marten, Mink, 
Weasel, Rabbit, Squirrel, Skunk and Woodchuck. Of 
still smaller animals, the Hedgehog, Rat, domestic and 
field Mouse, and Moles, are all that are known to exist in 
this region. 

The list of Birds is much larger. Of the small land 
birds the Black-bird, the Blue-bird, Blue Jay, Bobolink, 
Crow, Cherry-bird, Humming-bird, King-bird, Martin, 
Night-hawk, Oriole, Owl, Robin, Sparrow, hank., ham, and 
chimney Swallows, Woodpecker and Yellow-bird, please 
the eye by their variegated plumage, or gratify the ear with 
their melody. Amongst aquatic l)irds, the Black Duck, 
Brant, Brown Coot, Curlew, Dipper, Wild Goose, Heron, 
King-fisher, Petrel, Plover, Sandpiper, Sheldrake, and the 
various species of Loons and Gulls are frequently to be 
seen. Of birds of prey the Brown Hawk, Hen-Hawk, 
Fish-Hawk, and Brown and Bald Eagles are common. 
The only game birds — besides the aquatic — ever met with 
here are the Partridge (or quails) the wild Pigeon, and 
occasionally, the Woodcock. 

*The author saw one in the winter of ISTl. 


In the class of Fishes, the Cod, Gunner, Cusk, Haddock, 
Hake, Tom Cod, Common Eel, Conger Eel, Lamprey Eel, 
Flounder, Pollock, Lumpfish, Skate, Sculpin, Squid, 
Alewife, Smelt, Mackerel, and Salmon are abundant. 
Amongst Aquatic Mammals (classed here with fishes, for 
convenience simply). Seals are often found in the harbor, 
but are very shy, and Whales and Porpoises are once in a 
great while seen. The Horse Mackerel and the Shark are 
occasionally, though yery rarely, found in our waters. 
The only fresh water fish found about here is the Brook 

In the class of Reptiles, the only kinds found here are 
the Speckled Frog, the Bull Frog, the Lizard, Toad, and 
black, green and striped Snakes. 

In the class of Crustaceans and Mollusks, Muscles, 
Clams, Lobsters, Crabs and Snails are to be found in 
abundance. Razor Shell Fish are becoming rare here, 
but are occasionally found. Scallops are quite abundant, 
and the particular variety found here is thought to be 
rare elsewhere. 

In the class of Radiates, Sea-cucumbers, Sea Urchins, 
Dollar-fishes, and Star-fishes, the Sea-Anemone and Jelly- 
fishes abound. 

The classes of Insects and of small Marine Animals are 
altogether too large to admit even of enumeration in this 


The climate of this region is very much milder than 
might be supposed from its latitude, and from the general 
severity of the seasons in New England. Its place, in the 
winter season, on an isothermal chart, would be, at least, 
on a level with Boston, if not still further south. In the 
summer, the heat of the land is so tempered by the 
breezes from the sea, that its temperature corresponds to 
that of places very much farther north. Extremely 
severe weather is, of course, occasionally experienced here ; 
but, on the whole, it will compare favorably, as regards 
temperature, with any other locality in the State. A con- 
tinuous journal of the weather was kept in Castine, by 
Honorable Job Nelson, from January 1st, 1810, to Janu- 
ary 1st, 1850 — a period of forty years. From this journal 
we are enabled to give, not only a valuable resume of tlie 





21° .41 








average temperature of each month during that time, but 
also many other extracts not devoid of interest. The fol- 
lowing is Judge Nelson's summary : — 

Average Monthly Temperature from January, 1810 to 

' July, 64°. 82 

August, 64.66 

September, 58.39 
October, 48.41 

November, 38.07 
December, 25.56 

The yearly average for the forty years, is 43°. 78. 
The highest temperature recorded, was on August 1st, 
1814, when the mercury stood at 93°. The lowest 
recorded temperature was on January 30th, 1813, when 
the mercury stood at . — 13°. The average highest 
temperature of any month was in July, 1825. The aver- 
age for this month was 68°. 66. The average lowest 
temperature of any month was in January, 1844. The 
average for this month was 12°. 17 The greatest vari- 
ation in the temperature was on January 20th, 1810, 
when in eight hours the mercury fell forty-four degrees. 
This was the celebrated " cold Friday." The earliest 
recorded occurrence of frost* was on September 26th, 
1816. The earliest fall of snow occurred on Septem- 
ber 30th, 1823. The severest snowstorms occurred on 
the following dates :— In 1829, on March 6th. " More 
snow on the ground than ever known before," is the lan- 
guage of the journal. In 1831, on March 30th. In 1834, 
May 15th. In 1835, March 21st. In 1840, December 
22d, and 23d. In 1841, March 7th, and 13th, and April 
'I3th. In 1842, March 26th, and November 24th. In 
1843, March 28th, and November 10th. In 1844, March 
4th, and 30th. In 1845, March 15th, and April 13th. 

The earliest date at which potatoes have been planted, 
was on April 28th, in 1814. The earliest arrival of birds, 
frogs and migratory fishes were as follows : — 

Of Frogs, as early as April 14th, in 1824. 

" Blackbirds, " " " 29th, in 1820. 

" Martins, " " " 9th, in 1827. 

" Robins, " " March 16th, in 1825. 

" Salmon, " " April 25th, in 1820. 

" Smelts, " " March 26th, in 1828. 

*By this, Judge Nelson undoubtedly means of a " black " or blighting frost. 


Since the incorporation of Castine, Penobscot bay has 
been frozen over, so as to permit a passage to Belfast upon 
the ice, some four or five times only. The first three 
times in which this event occurred were the three con- 
secutive years of 1815, '16 and '17. 

Two shocks of earthquake have been felt here since the 
year 1787. The first was on May 22d, 1817, and the 
other on Aug. 27th, 1829. November 7th, 1819, was a 
very dark day. At this time, fowls went to roost at mid- 
day, and superstitious people thought the "day of doom" 
had come*. The night of November 17th, 1835, is 
recorded as being very uncommonly light ; from what 
cause is not stated. 

The record of the winds, in Judge Nelson's journal, is 
very incomplete. Reckoning from the data given, however, 
it may be said, of this period of time, that the rain storms 
nearly all came from the southeast, the snow storms irora 
the northeast, and that nearly all the gales, unaccompanied 
by rain or snow, came from the northwest. When the 
wind blew from the southwest, it was almost invariably 
fair weather. 

This journal gives no account of fogs. Their not infre- 
quent occurrence, probably, in Judge Nelson's opinion, 
rendering any statement in regard to them unnecessary. 
Although fogs are of common occurrence here in the sum- 
mer season, when southerly winds are prevailing, yet it is 
believed to be the fact, that they are of less frequent 
occurrence, less dense, and more apt to be dispelled by the 
rays of the sun, than is the case at the neighboring sea- 
ports to the east of us. 

Doctor Joseph L. Stevens, of Castine, has also kept a 
record of the weather from 1821 to 1871 — a period of fifty 
years. As this record has not been kept in a tabular form, 
it is not possible to give more than the relative character of 
each year, together with a few miscellaneous facts of inter- 
est. The following is a summary, by years, given in Doctor 
Stevens' journal : — 

1882. — Was a wet and and cold year. 

1883. — Ditto. A remarkable shower of meteors was 
witnessed by liim on the niglit of Nov. 13. 

1834. — Was warm and fruitful. 

1835.— Ditto. 

♦This WHS not, howcver.thc "dark day" (•plcl)rated in the annals of New 
England. The latter oceiirred May 19tli, 1T8U. 


1836. — Very dry, and very cool. Short hay crop, 

1837. — Cool. No corn, but wheat abundant. 

1838. — Summer warm, and year fruitful. 

1839. — Summer extremely wet. 

1840. — Summer warm and fruitful. A very healthy 

1841. — Summer very dry. Very few storms this year. 

1842. — No epidemic, except that of Scarlatina, from 
which there were six deaths. 

1843. — Year fruitful. Grass abundant. No epidemics. 

1844. — Apples and fruit in abundance. The potato rot 
makes its first appearance here. 

1845. — Excessive fall of rain. Complete failure of the 
potato crop. Healthy here, but sickly in the neighboring 

1846. — Summer very warm. Epidemic of Scarlatina. 
More deaths here, from all causes, than ever before known. 

1848. — Very rainy year. Summer cool. No epidemic, 
but more deaths than last year. 

1849.— Warm and dry. Healthy. 

1850. — Spring very wet. Summer temperate. Autumn 
pleasant. No epidemics. 

1851. — Winter very cold. A very healthy year. 

1852. — Summer cool. Apples abundant. !No epidemic 
except Influenza. 

1853. — A very mild, but a very windy year. Many dis- 
asters at sea. No epidemics. 

1854. — Summer very dry. A great many snow storms 
in winter. " Healthiest year I ever knew." 

1856. — No epidemics, except sore throats. 

1857. — Year unusually cold and wet. Very healthy. 

1858. — Year cool and wet. No epidemics. 

1869. — A great quantity of snow in December. 

1861. — No epidemics, and unusually few deaths. 

1862. — Scarlatina and Typhoid fever. Apples and fruit 

1863. — Very few storms. Short hay crop. A few cases 
of Diphtheria — otherwise, healthy. 

1864. — A very dry and fair summer. Healthy here, but 
not in Brooksville. 

1867. — Cool and w^et. Dull and healthy. 

1868. — Wet and foggy. No epidemics. 

1869. — Cold summer. No epidemics. 


1871. — Year very mild. Crops and business good. Many 
disasters at sea. Healthy. 

The earliest date at which wild geese have been noticed 
on their passage north, Avas on March 4th, in 1871. The 
earliest date of blooming of trees, and certain plants, was 
as follows : — 

Apple trees were in bloom. May 25th, in 1814. 

Cherry trees were in bloom. May 15th, in 1825. 

Lilac trees " " - " 30th, in 1826. 

Plum trees " " " 20th, in 1825. 

Peonies " " " 24th, in 1826. 

White Roses " " July 4th, in 1826. 

Strawberries " " April 30th, in 1833. 

Tulips, " " May 24th, in 1826. 

Violets, " " April 9th, 1825. 

The earliest date on which the grass in his garden was 
mowed, was on June 9th, in 1831. The earliest date at 
which blueberries and garden vegetables were obtained by 
him, as follows : — 

Blueberries were ripe on July 20th, in 1826. 

Cucumbers were fit for use, July 16th, in 1826. 

Green Corn was fit for use, June 9th, in 1831. 

Green Peas were fit for use, July 13th, in 1822.^ 

New Potatoes were fit for use, July 18th, in 1826. 

All attempts to foretell the character of the summer by 
that of any of the previous months, are, of course, futile. 
It would seem, however, from this record of Doctor Stevens, 
that there has been, for the period of time which it embraces, 
a remarkably close correspondence between the character 
of the month of March, and that of the season following. 
A cold March has been almost invariably followed by a 
cold summer, and a warm or wet March, by a warm or wet 
summer. Whether this is merely an accidental coincidence, 
or is due to some climatic law not yet understood, remains 
for further observations to determine. 
*Green Peas and new Potatoes are often to be bad here as early as July 4th. 

64 msTOEtr of castinb. 


Plantation No. 3. —New Ireland. — Early Set- 
tlers. — First Survey of Town. — Abstract op 
Town Recordb.— Castine set off.— Highways. — 

(Prior to .the Incorporation of Castine.) 

1762. The town of Penobscot was Number Three, in 
the first class of townships granted by the Provincial 
General Court, in 1762. In accordance with the terms of 
these grants, the proprietors were bound, themselves, 
their heirs and assigns, in a bond of fifty pounds, to lay 
out no township more than six miles in extent on the 
bank of the Penobscot, or on the sea coast ; to present to 
the General Court, by the thirty-first of the ensuing July, 
plans of the survey ; to settle each township with sixty 
protestant families within six years ; and to build an equal 
number of dwelling houses, at least eighteen feet square ; 
to fit for tillage three hundred acres of land, erect a meet- 
ing-house, and settle a minister. One lot in each town- 
ship was to be reserved for the parsonage, one for the first 
settled minister, one for Harvard College, and another for 
the use of schools. These grants were not, however, pre- 
sented to the Legislature for confirmation, until the year 

1780. About the year 1780 or 1781, an attempt was 
made by the British Government to colonize the country 
between the Penobscot and St. Croix, under the name of 
New Ireland. Thomas Oliver, a former Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts, a resident of Cambridge, and a 
graduate of Harvard College, was proposed as the first 
Chief Magistrate. Daniel Leonard, a prominent loyalist, 
afterwards a judge in Bermuda, was to be the Chief Jus- 
tice. The plan was abandoned, in consequence of the 
doubts of the Attorney General of England, as to the 
right to the soil. New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, there- 
fore " became the asylum of thousands of the former cit- 


izens of New England, who otherwise would have settled 
New Ireland, and rendered Castine what Shelbnrne in 
Nova Scotia once was, and what St. Johns and Halifax 
now are."* There was an association formed to promote 
this settlement, under the title of the " Associated 
Refugees." [Letter from Lord George Germain, to Sir 
Henry Clinton, in Appendix 3, to Spark's Life and Writ- 
ings of Washington, Vol. VIII, p. 519.] Whether any 
actual settlements, under the auspices of this association, 
ever took place, is not known ; but as the British force 
did not leave until two or three years subsequently, and 
as there were certainly some settlers here in 1775, it is not 
at all unlikely that such was the case. This is rendered 
still more probable by the discovery among the papers of 
the late Mr. Jeremiah Wardwell, oi" the following; — 


1784. These are to notify and require all persons at 
and near Majorbagaduce, in the unincorporated towns, 
that have been inimical to the United States of America, 
during the last war with Great Britain, to depart out of 
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts on or before the 
thirteenth day of September next, or they will gain the 
Displeasure of the Subscribers and many others of the 
Citizens of the Commonwealth, that have suffered by the 
War. August 11th, 1784. 

N. B. All those that are well disposed to. the United 
States are desired to meet at the Fort on Bagaduce, on the 
said thirteenth day of September, to Consult what meas- 
ures to take, in case the above Requisition is not complied 

(Signed) JOHN MOOR. 
[All the other names missing.] 

1785. In the year 1785, the legislature passed an Act, 

allowing to the several settlers convenient lots of one 

hundred acres each, so surveyed as to include their 

improvements, and divided the rest — after reserving twelve 

hundred acres in each town for i)ublic uses — amongst the 

original grantees and their representatives. [Resolve of 

General Court, in regard to riantation No. 3, Nov. 17th, 

1786.] This year, eight or ten families came hither from 

Fort Pownal, and some of those who had left during the 

* From an account of New Ti-olainl, in a paper read by the lion. Joseph 
Williamson, before the Maine Historical Society. 


period of the Revolutionary War, returned. [ Williamson^ 
llist. of Me., Vol. II, p. 534.] Messrs. Philip, Leonard, 
and Charles Jarvis, had a consideiable interest in the 
lands embraced by this Plantation, and were prominent 
agents for the settlers, in obtaining a confirmation of their 
title. About this time, the earliest survey of the town 
was made by John Peters, Esq., subsequently of Bluehill.*- 

1787. By Act of the General Court of Massachusetts, 
the town of Penobscot was incorporated on February 23d, 
1787. The first meeting of the town was held at the 
house of Colonel Johannot, on Wednesday, April 18th. 
At this meeting, Mr. Joseph Hibbert was chosen Modera- 
tor ; John Lee, Clerk ; and Captain Joseph Perkins, Jere- 
miah Wardwell, Oliver Parker, Joseph Hibbert, and Cap- 
tain Joseph Young, were chosen Selectmen ; and Mr. 
John Perkins, Town Treasurer. At a meeting of the 
town, held the May following, Messrs. John Lee, Oliver 
Parker, Joseph Young, Jeremiah AVardwell, and Joseph 
Perkins, were chosen a Committee, to make an adjustment 
with the former proprietors of Plantation No. 3. The 
following were the instructions given to the Committee : — 

" The Report of the Great and Grand Court of the 
Commonwealth, of November 17th, 1786, confirming the 
lands to the Proprietors and Settlers of this township, 
being of the utmost importance, the Proprietors by it are 
enjoined to allot and meet out one hundred acres of land 
to each Settler who settled and made improvements before 
the first of January, 1784. We are fully confident that 
the design of Government, in passing the aforesaid Resolve, 
was to do us justice ; yet we fear that it will be attended 
with much difficulty to meet out the lands to such settlers, 
in such a manner as to secure to them the full benefit 
intended them by the said Resolve. Therefore we request 
you, our Committee, chosen to make an adjustment with 
the said proprietors, to attend fully to the following 
instructions. You will, as soon as possible, make out a 
statement of the claims of all the settlers who are entitled 
to land upon the principle of said Resolve, in the most 
explicit manner possible, in doing which you will pay 
particular attention to the true intent and meaning of the 
said Resolve, a copy of this State of Claims to lay in some 
one place, to be open to the inspection of any person who 

* The original field notes and map of this survey are in possession of the 
Hon. C. J. Abbot, of this town. 


is a settler in this town, who wishes to examine the same. 
By this statement of the Chiims of each settler (when 
completed) upon the principle of said Resolve, contain- 
ing each person's claim, with the names of the settler 
under whom he holds — with the bounds and the date of 
settlement, you will know what quantity of land will of 
right belong to the settlers, — therefore from this statement 
you will be able to determine what will do each settler 
justice. When the Proprietors' Committee attend to meet 
out the land to the settlers as required by said Resolve, 
you will represent to them how desirous the Inhabitants 
of the town are to have an amicable adjustment of every 
matter, respecting the Lands, with them — to effect which 
they are determined not to be wanting on their part, and 
as we wish for nothing but what the said Resolve has con- 
firmed to us, and as the Proprietors cannot reasonably 
wish for any advantage that the said Resolve has not 
given them, it is hoped and expected that they will cor- 
dially agree to make an adjustment upon such terms as 
will be-. for the mutual interest and advantage of both 
Proprietors and Settlers." 

1788. At the Annual meeting of the town in 1788, 
the former board of Selectmen were re-elected, and in 
December following^ George Thatcher Esq., was elected 
as the first representative to the General Court. The 
Committee appointed to confer wiih the former Proprie- 
tors of the township, reported as follows : — 

" On the arrival of Leonard. Jarvis, Esq., agent of, and 
one of the principal proprietors of, this town, we had a 
conference with him upon the subject of an adjustment. 
Mr. Jarvis observed that he came to mete out the land to 
the settlers agreeable to the resolve of the General Court. 
We assured him the inhabitants of the town were glad to 
sec him, and that they were exceedingly desirous to have 
an amicable settlement with the proprietors, and that they 
wished for nothing more than was conlirmed to them by 
the Grand Court. We, in obedience to our instructions, 
stated the manner in which we supposed each settler 
would have justice done him. That such settlers as were 
so situated as to render it very inconsistent, if not impos- 
sible, to have the hundred acres which the proprietors 
were enjoined to grant, allot and mete out to them, in one 
lot, should have such deliciency made up to them else- 
where, to this proportion, founded strictly, as we conceived, 


upon the resolve of Court. Mr. Jarvis replied that he 
would, by no means, agree to what, he pretended, was 
never meant by the Court, though the letter of the resolve 
of Court is fully in our favor. In reasoning upon this 
subject, we found that he put sucli illiberal constructions 
upon the resolve of Court, that it was impossible for us to 
make any adjustment with him upon the principle of jus- 
tice, or consistent with our duty. Nay, Mr. Jarvis plainly 
intimated tliat he should not pay any regard to the Town, 
as a Town, or to their Committee, but that he would pro- 
ceed to mete out the land to the settlers in such a manner 
as he should think was agreeable to the meaning of the 
Court. How far he has attended to the resolve of Court, 
while upon this business, it is not for us to determine. 
Though we think it our duty upon this occasion to observe 
that, notwithstanding the great esteem we have for Mr. 
Jarvis, which occasions us great pain, when we declare 
our surprise that he should infringe upon the privileges of 
this town, by ordering a road to be run out, when by law 
the Selectmen, for the time being, or such other as they 
should appoint, have the sole power to lay out or alter 
roads within the limits described in our Incorporation Act. 

Finding that an adjustment could not be made with the 
j^roprietors, we conceived it our duty to furnish Mr. Jarvis 
Avith a memorandum of each settlers' claim, without date 
or signature, a copy of which is now laid before the Town." 

1789. Three town-meetings were held during the year 
1789. At the first, held March 25th, Captain Joseph 
Perkins, Peletiah Leach, Joseph Hibbert, Captain Oliver 
Parker and Mr. John Wasson, were chosen Selectmen. 
The town voted that "the sum of X300 be raised for the 
building a Meeting-House for the public worship of God." 
A vote was also passed that in future the town-meetings be 
held at the house of Mr. Joseph Binney. At a meeting 
held on April 21st, the town voted to build a meeting-house 
sixty-five feet in length by fifty feet in breadth. Captain 
Daniel Wardwell, Giles Johnson, Oliver Parker, John 
Willson and John Wasson, were chosen a committee to 
superintend the erection of the building, and to act as a 
Board of Trustees. At this meeting Mr. Gabriel Johannot 
was elected as Representative to the General Court. At 
a meeting held on the first day of September following, the 
town voted not to make any additional appropriation for 
the meeting-house, but to have the pews classified and sold 


at public auction, and to use tlie money thus obtained, in 
completing the building*. 

1790. Fifty persons were warned from the town in the 
year 1790.* This year Messrs. Oliver Parker, Joseph 
Hibbert, Captain Daniel Wardwell, Captain Seth Blodgett, 
and Doctor Oliver Mann, were chosen Selectmen. 

1791. In the year 1791, the town made its first appro- 
priation for a public school. This year, Messrs. John Per- 
kins, Elijah Littlefield, David Hawes, David Willson and 
Pelatiah Leach, were chosen Selectmen. Isaac Parker, Esq., 
was elected Representative to the General Court.f At a 
meeting held September 12th, a committee of eleven citi- 
zens was appointed to wait upon Mr. Leonard Jarvis, 
Agent for the former proprietors of Plantation No. 3, and 
determine upon terms of settlement with them. 

1792. At the annual meeting, in March, 1792, Captain 
Oliver Parker, Doctor Oliver xMann, and Messrs. John 
Wasson, John Willson and Sparks Perkins, were chosen 
Selectmen. The town at this meeting voted "against a 
separation of Government." Whether this meant against 
a separation of the District of Maine from the Common- 
wealth of Massachusetts, or against a division of the town, 
can only be inferred. It was probably the former, as no 
petition foj" any separation accompanied the warrant for the 
meeting. At a meeting held in November, the town passed 
a vote against a removal of the Courts to any other place 
in the county, or to any different location in this town. It 
was also voted that, in the future, the town-meetings should 
be held in the meeting-house on the peninsula. 

1793. At the annual meeting held in 1793, Messrs. 
Jeremiah Wardwell, Pelatiah Leach, John Wasson, Doctor 
Oliver Mann and John Willson, were elected Selectmen. 
At this meeting, the town voted to raise no money for the 
support of preaching, or for schooU. This vote was after- 
wards reconsidered, and thirty pounds was appropriated for 
preaching. At a subse(iuent meeting, held May 8th, the 
sum of fifty pounds v/as appropriated for the support of 
schools. At this latter meeting, Isaac Parker, Esq., was 
chosen Representative to the General Court. At a meeting 
held June 20th, the town voted an appropriation of three 
pounds for the erection of some stocks, — to be placed near 
the Court House, on the peninsula. 

♦Ill rosard to tliis matter of "warnings" from town, see chapter 3d. 

fWilliamsoji [Hist, of Mo., Vol. '2, \). .VU], erroneously says tliat Mr. Par- 
ker was thr jir.-it lieitresentativc of I'fnobscot to tho (ieueral Court. 



1794. At the annual meeting in 1794, the last hoard of 
Selectmen were re-elected. The town, at this meeting, 
voted an appropriation of twenty pounds, to purchase a 
supply of ammunition. 

1795. At the annual meeting of the town, in 1795, 
Captain Thatcher Avery, Mr. Joseph Binney, and Mr. 
Thomas Wasson, were elected as Selectmen. 

Mr. Mark Hatch, and others in the second or lower par- 
ish, having petitioned the General Court, to he set off as a 
separate town, a meeting of the inhabitants of the first 
parish was called, in reference thereto, on December the 
21st. The following votes were passed : — 

1. That the first parish will show cause to the General 
Court why the second parish ought not to be separated and 
become a distinct town. 

2. That Captain Jeremiah WardAvell, Mr. Pelatiah 
Leach, Captain Thatcher Avery, Isaac Parker, Esq., Cap- 
tain Joseph Perkins and Captain John Perkins, be a com- 
mittee to agree upon lines, and terms of separation. This 
committee reported, at a meeting held December 81st, "that 
in consideration of the length of highways in an unrepaired 
state which would be in the upper part of the town, the 
committee for the petitioners had offered to pay two 
hundred dollars in two annual payments. The committee 
on the other side, then proposed four hundred dollars, — 
when, for the sake of harmony and accommodation, it was 
offered to divide and give three hundred, — which the com- 
mittee would agree to give with the consent of the town." 
The town, however, refused to accept the terms offered, 
anji sent Mr. Pelatiah Freeman to the General Court to 
oppose a separation. No further allusion to the separation 
appears in the town or parish records. 

The municipal history of Penobscot, thus far, is equally 
as much that of the towns of Castine and Brooksville. 
Matters relating to the establishment of religious preaching 
and schools, will be found incorporated with the chapters 
upon the ecclesiastical and educational history of Castine. 

(Subsequent to the Incorporation of Castine.) 

1796. At the annual meeting of the town, held April 
4, 1796, Captain Thatcher Avery, Mr. Joseph Binney, and 
Mr. Thomas Wasson, were elected Selectmen. At this 
meeting, Captain Jeremiah Wardwell, Pelatiah Freeman, 


John Wasson, Captain Thatcher Avery and Pelatiah Leach, 
were chosen a committee to confer with a similar committee, 
on the part of the town of Castine, in regard to the settle- 
ment of the accounts between the two towns. Their report 
was that of the joint committee, and will be found in the 
next chapter. At a meeting held May 13th, Messrs. 
Joseph Binney, Daniel Wardwell, Jr., John Snowman, 
Jotham Stover, Samuel Wasson, Samuel Russell, Ralph 
Devereux, and Captain Jeremiah Wardwell, were chosen 
a committee to divide the town into eight school districts, 
and to apportion the scholars and money to each district. 

As the municipal history of Penobscot, subsequently to 
this time, contains almost nothing of general interest, and 
so very little even of what might be deemed of local inter- 
est, a further adherence to the records of the town-meetings 
seems unnecessary. In fact, from this date down to the 
time of the late civil war, the chief business of the town 
at its annual meetings, seems to have been that of laying 
out, accepting, or altering, new roads, and of increasing or 
changing the number of school districts. 

The length and number of the roads in Penobscot, is 
probably greater than that of any other town in the county — 
of no larger territorial extent— and the expense attending 
them has been great. A full account of the road-making 
and of the appropriations for this purpose, though it might 
possess some value, would not be very interesting, and does 
not come within the scope of this work. It will be suffi- 
cient to say, in general terms, that from the date of incor- 
poration to the present time, the appropriations for high- 
ways have been about double those for schools. The appro- 
priations for schools, from the date of incorporation to the 
year 1850, inclusive, amounted to the sum of twenty-one 
thousand six hundred and sixteen dollars. This is an aver- 
age of three hundred and sixty-six dollars per annum. 

Our inability to ol)tain possession of any of the district 
records, as well as the limited time we were able to bestow 
upon the perusal of the town records, prevents our giving 
as full an account of the school history of this town as 
we could desire. We can, therefore, mention only such 
facts in regard to this, and other matters, as have come to 
our knowledge. 

1808. In 1808, the town voted by a very large majority, 
against a separation of the District of Maine from the 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 


1812. In the year 1812, the sum of one hundred and 
ninety dollars was added to the town's appropriation for 
schools. This amount accrued from the sale of lumber 
from the school- lot. 

1825. In the year 1825, the town paid Mr. William 
Hutchins five dollars for the draft of a plan for a new 

1826. In 1826, a portion of the school lot was sold for 
the sum of one hundred and forty-five dollars and eighty- 
seven cents ; and the minister's lot was sold for three hun- 
dred and fifty-seven dollars and fifty -five cents. 

1836. In the year 1836, the school fund amounted to 
eight hundred and thirty-five dollars and ten cents. This 
year the town voted to accept a town-house, forty feet 
long by thirty wide, built by Mr. William Grindle, at a cost 
of four hundred and sixty-six dollars. 

1839—1845. In the year 1838, the school fund had 
increased to eight hundred and forty- eight dollars and two 
cents. In the year 1840, the town voted to allow the dis- 
tricts to choose their own school agents. In 1845, the 
school fund had lessened somewhat, and now amounted 
to seven hundred and twenty-four dollars and seventy- 
nine cents. 

The military history of tlie town, will be found fully 
treated of in connection with the same period in the history 
of Castine. 




Incobporatiox of Town. — Warnings from Town. — ■ 
Report of Committee of Conference, — Settle- 
ment OF First Pastor. — Cemetery Purchased. — 
Effect of the Embargo. — Resolutions in regard 
TO IT. — Petition to the President of the United 
States. — ^Committee of Public Safety. — Feeling 
in regard to the War of 1812. — Title to Com- 
mon. — 'Hearse Purchased. — Town makes a Stand 
against Intemperance. — Board of Health Chos- 
en. — Poor Farm. — Fire Engine Purchased. — Tomb 
Presented to the Town. — Town Library Estab- 
lished. — Copy of Stuart's Portrait of Wash- 
ington Presented to the Town. — ■Lock-up Voted. — 
By-laws Adopted. — Bounties Voted to Soldiers. 

1796. By an act passed by the Commonwealth of 
Massachusetts, the town of Penobscot was, npon the 
tenth day of February, 1796, divided into two separate 
towns. One portion retained the name of Penobscot. 
The southerly portion of the old town was incorporated 
by the name of Castine, in memory of the noted man 
whose life was so intimately conixected with the history of 

The first meeting of the town was held on the fourth 
day of April following. The warrants for this meeting 
were posted at Captain Joseph Young's house, on Cape 
Rozier ; at Mr. Jacob Orcutt's, near Buck's Harbor ; and 
at the door of Mr. Daniel Johnston's store, on the penin- 
sula. At this meeting, Oliver Parker was chosen Modera- 
tor ; Thomas Phillips, Town Clerk ; Captain Joseph Per- 
kins, Captain Joseph Young, and Mr. David Willson, 
were chosen Selectmen and Assessors ; and John Lee, Esq., 
Town Treasurer. The law, at that time, required voters 
to l)e twenty-one years of age, to have lived in town one 
year, and to have "a freehold estate within said town of 
the annual income of tlu'ce Pounds, or any estate to tho 


value of sixty Pounds." The law also authorized towns 
to expel from their limits, upon fifteen days notice, all 
persons, that might be deemed necessary, who had not 
been sufficiently long in town to acquire a residence. 
This law, which to us seems so arbitrary and unjust, wag 
doubtless enacted to enable towns to jjrotect themselves 
against shiftless and wortliless persons, who might other- 
wise become a public charge, it has happened in many 
towns, however, that persons thus warned have subse- 
quently become the most esteemed citizens. One of the 
first acts of this town was, in accordance Avith this law 
and the custom of the time, to warn from town one 
Miriam Freethy, and, a few weeks later, five other 
individuals. These are the only cases in which this law 
was ever applied here. The population of the town, at 
this date, was 178. At this meeting, Isaac Parker, Esq., 
John Lee, Esq., Captain Mark Hatch, Mr. David Howe, 
and Captain John Perkins, were chosen a committee on 
the part of the town, to confer with a similar committee, 
appointed by the town of Penobscot, in relation to the 
settlement of the accounts between the two towns, and 
were given full power to adjust the same. On May the 
tenth, a second town-meeting was called, and the town 
districted for schools. On September the twenty-fourth, 
at a legal town-meeting, it was voted to extend an invita- 
tion to the Reverend Micah Stone, to be settled as Pastor 
of the town, and that " the sum of four hundred dollars, 
as agreed by the town, be given him as a yearly salary ; 
also, that the sum of eight hundred dollars be given him, 
npon his settlement as our Pastor." This vote, however, 
never went into effect. Upon the twenty-fifth of October, 
the town assembled to hear the report of the committee 
of conference for adjusting the accounts with the town of 
Penobscot. The committee reported as follows : — 

" First, your Committee determined that the apportion- 
ment of property and debts which belonged to the whole 
as parts of the town of Penobscot, should be made accord- 
ing to the ratio adopted in the Act incorporating the town 
of Castine, — that is to say ; that Castine should be respon- 
sible for three-fifths of the amount of debts subsisting 
against the old town of Penobscot, and should be entitled 
to the same proportion of the property belonging to said 
town — the remaining two-fifths belonging to the present 
town of Penobscot. 


They find the amount of property belonging to the towns 
to be one .thousand one hundred and eighty-five dollars ; 
consisting of, tlie meeting-house ou tlie peninsula, the 
Town Pound, a note of hand signed by Sparks Perkins, 
and sundry window sashes.* * * * The Committee agreed 
that the town of Castine should take the meeting-house 
on the peninsula, at the price estimated by them. They 
likewise agreed that Castine should assume the whole of 
the debts due to the inhabitants of that town, and be 
credited for the surplus beyond their due proportion of 
debt — being one hundred and thirty-two dollars and fifty- 
six cents. 

The Committee have likewise agreed that the land 
appropriated to the uses of Township Number Three, for 
supporting schools, minister's lot, and the lot for the use 
of the ministry, shall be equally divided between said 
towns of Castine and Penobscot, and they have drawn a 
Petition to the General Court, to have this agreement 
carried into effect. They have likewise agreed upon a 
division of the roads which are to be put into repair, 
according to the Act of the General Court incorporating 

Castine takes upon itself to put in repair, according 
to said Act, the road from Lymburner's Ferry to Sedg- 
wick ; likewise, the road from ^he peninsula by David 
Willson and Joseph Hibbert, up to the line of Plantation 
Number Two ; also, the westerly part of the cross road 
leading from tlie last mentioned road to Pelatiah Free- 
man's, as far in the same road as Samuel Farnham's house." 

The consideration of this report was laid over to another 
meeting. At a meeting held the ITovember following, 
this report was accepted by the town. At this meeting, 
the town elected its first School Committee, consisting of 
six members. It also, this year elected Isaac Parker, Esq., 
as its first Representative to the General Court of Massa- 
chusetts. As, at the time of the incorporation of the 
town, Penobscot was the shire town of Hancock County, 
and as all the County buildings were situated upon this 
peninsula, Castine was, by the Act aforesaid, declared to 
be the County seat. 


1797. About the time of the incorporation of the 
town, the question in regard to a separation of the District 
of Maine from the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, began 
to be quite generally discussed, and an attempt was soon 
made to bring it about. The question was submitted to 
the towns of the Commonwealth in 1797, and the vote of 
Castine was found to be in a very decided majority against 
it. The General Court of Massachusetts this year passed 
a Resolve, dividing the Minister's Lot, etc., equally 
between the two towns. 

1798. The only measure occurring the next year, 
entitled to notice in this place, was the invitation extended 
to Reverend William Mason, to become the pastor of 
the town, at a salary of three hundred and fifty dollars 
per annum, for three years. He was also to receive eight 
hundred dollars, upon his settlement over the town. He 
was ordained upon the second Wednesday of October. 

1799. In April, 1799, Mr. Barnabas Higgins was 
chosen town sexton. 

1800. In August, 1800, Water street was laid out. 
There having been some talk in regard to removing the 
County seat from Castine, the town, by a formal vote, 
protested against any change of location. 

1801—1807. In 1801, Job Nelson Esq., was chosen 
Representative to the General Court. He was succeeded 
in 1803 by Doctor Oliver Mann, who was annually re- 
elected, until the year 1806, when he was succeeded by 
Captain Otis Little. He was, however, again elected in 
the year 1807. In the year 1804, in accordance with 
resolves of the General Court, Commissioners were sent 
here to settle, linally, the differences between the proprie- 
tors and settlers, in what was formerly Township No. 3. 
The proprietors received in Township No. 7* an equiva- 
lent for the lands taken by settlers in No. 3. The number 
of acres settled in the latter township, i^rioi' to the year 
1784, was stated in their report at sixteen thousand one 
hundred and eighty-one acres and fiftj^-eight rods. 

1807. In the year 1807, the town voted to jjurchase 
for a cemetery, one acre of land from Captain Mark Hatch, 
for the sum of thirty dollars — one-half of which Captain 
Hatch remitted. The town agreed to fence the land, and 
hang a gate near the windmill. It also agreed to give Cap- 
tain Hatch his choice of a burial lot. The town this year 
*Now the city of Ellsworth. 


voted a second time, against a separation of the District 
from the Commonwealth. 

About this time, the English began to exercise what 
was claimed by their government as the right of search. 
According to this doctrine, the English navy claimed a 
right to detain and search all neutral vessels, and to 
impress all British subjects found therein. This practice 
bore particularly hard upon the American marine, since the 
difficulty of determining, in all cases, the respective nation- 
ality of English and American sailors led to a total disre- 
gard of the rights of the latter. The only way to repress 
this outrageous proceeding of the English government was, 
either to put a stop to all mercantile communication 
between the two countries, or openly to declare war. 
Congress, whether wisely or unwisely is even now a 
debatable question, chose the former alternative. An 
embargo was, accordingly, declared upon the twenty- 
second of December of this year. The seaboard States 
were all violently opposed to this measure, and none more 
so than the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. The citi- 
zens of this town, depending for their prosperity upon 
maritime pursuits, looked upon the prospect of a long 
embargo with gloomy forebodiugs. Their sentiments and 
fears upon this subject, only a few months after the pas- 
sage of the embargo laws, are aptlj' described by a youth- 
ful poet of the times.* 

" See the bold sailor from tlio ocei.n torn. 
His element, sink friendless and forlorn ! 
His suffering spouse the tear of anguish shed, 
His starving children cry aloud for bread ! 
On the rough billows of misfortune tost. 
Resources fail, and all his hopes are lost; 
To foreign climes for that relief he flies, 
His native land ungratefully denies. 

* * * * * * * 

The farmer, since supporting trade is fled, 
Leaves the rude ji»ke, and cheerless hangs his head; 
Misfortunes fall, an unri'niitting shower, 
Debts IoUdw debts, on taxes, taxes pour. 
See in his stores his hoarded produce rot. 
Or Sheriff"'s sales his produce bring to naught; 
Disheartening cares in thronging myriads flow, 
Till down he sinks, to poverty and woe." 

HavincT experienced, in a measure, some of the miseries 
so vividly ])ortrayed in the above quotation, it was not 
unnatural that this town should, like many others in New 
England, attempt to exercise some influence over the 
National Councils. 

♦Written by William Cullen l?rya)it. when only fourteen vears of age. 


1808. Accordingly, in the year 1808, the town voted 
that the Selectmen transmit, under their hands, to the 
President, the following- petition : — 

" To the President of the United States : 

The inhabitants of the Town of Castine, in Town- 
meeting legally assembled, respectfully represent: — 

That, habituated to commercial pursuits, and drawing 
their supjoort and wealth from the ocean and from foreign 
countries, the laws laying an embargo are peculiarly dis- 
tressing to them. Although tliey have doubted the expe- 
diency of these laws, and even their constitutionality — 
when imposed for an unlimited time, — yet they have 
hitherto waited with patience, in the hope that our diffi- 
culties with the great powers of Europe might be so 
adjusted, that it would be consistent with the policy of 
our Government to remove the embargo. That this dis- 
tressing measure has had any favorable influence on our 
foreign relations, does not at present appear ; but that 
your petitioners have endured heavy losses, their idle ships 
and perishing commodities unfortunately bear positive 

The events now taking place in Spain, so glorious to 
that nation, and so propitious to the Liberty and happi- 
ness of mankind, ojjen to your petitioners the prospect of 
a ready market for their surplus produce, and at the same 
time afford them an opportunity, which they would 
eagerly seize, of repajdng an ancient obligation. 

They, therefore, pray your Excellency that the Embargo 
may be in whole or in part suspended, according to the 
powers vested in you by the Congress of the United 
States ; and, if any doubt exist as to the competency of 
those powers, that Congress may be convened to take the 
subject into their consideration." 

1809. In the year 1809, Captain Otis Little was, a 
second time, elected Representative to the General Court, 
This year, a bounty of twelve and a half cents jyer capita. 
was offered by the town, for all croivs killed within 
its limits. At a town-meeting held January thirtieth, 
Mason Shaw, Otis Little, Job Nelson, John Perkins, 
Moses S. Judkins, and Captain Mark Hatch, were chosen 
a Committee of Public Safety. At this same meeting, 
the town voted that : " the thanks of this meeting be 
given to Captain Samuel A. Whitney, for his manly and 
patriotic conduct in withdrawing his guns from the cutter. 


in the service of the United States, to enforce the Embargo 
laws." This vote phiinly shows that the doctrine of 
*' State Rights" must have had advocates in this section of 
the country, even at that early day. On what other 
ground could it be called patriotic, to throw impediments 
in the way of the execution of National laws? 

1812. On June 18th, 1812, war was declared between 
Great Britain and the United States. Party spirit ran high 
at this time, and the people of this town, in common with 
the majority of those in the District of Maine, were even 
more opposed to the war than they had been to the embar- 
go. One of the resolutions, passed about this time, shows 
the state of feeling then prevalent. — " We consider the sea 
our Farm, and our sliips our Storehouses, and that our 
rights therein ought not to be diminished or destroyed." 

The town., at its different meetings this year, passed res- 
olutions in favor of the liberty of speech and of the press, 
and in regard to the duty of the people to raise their voice 
against the wrong-doing of the government. Also, against 
the embargo, non-intercourse and non-importation laws, 
and against a declaration of war w^ith Great Britain. Also, 
deprecating any alliance with France ; against voluntary 
enlistments — but in favor of resisting actual invasion ; and 
against the conduct of the Senate, " de-facto^'''' of Massachu- 
setts, in refusing to submit the choice of electors for Pres- 
ident and Vice-President, to the people at large. A second 
Committee of Public Safety were chosen, consisting of 
Captain Joseph Perkins, William Abbott, Esq., Mason 
Shaw, Esq., Captain Elisha Dyer, and Job Nelson, Esq. 
The town also, at this meeting, voted that " the thanks of 
this meeting be presented to the gentlemen composing the 
former Committee of Safety, for their patriotic conduct in 
sending to the Governor for arms and ammunition, and that 
their doings be approved of." It was also voted that the 
Committee of Public Safety be instructed to deliver the 
arms, that might be furnished the town by direction of the 
government, to such applicants as they should judge expe- 
dient for the best protection and safety of the town. Also, 
that they should take the applicant's receipt therefor, that 
they should be returned, in good order, on demand. 

In addition to the excitement in regard to national affairs, 
the people of this town were considerably agitated in 
regard to the proposed removal of the Courts. The Repre- 
sentative to the General Court was instructed to use all letral 


measures to oppose such a removal, and a committee was 
appointed to draw up a remonstrance against the measure, 
and to forward copies thereof, to the Selectmen of the 
Ljeveral towns of the county. 

1813. The feeling against the war continuing to exist 
in all its intensity, the town, at its annual meeting in 1813, 
passed a resolution that, — " the Representative of this town 
be instructed to use his influence with the Legislature, that 
they may assert the just rights of this Commonwealth ; 
put an end to the calamities which we now endure ; restore 
to us the inestimable blessings of ipeace and commerce; 
and secure on a permanent basis that liberty purchased by 
the blood of our ancestors." At a subsequent meeting, 
held October 27th, it was voted : — " That Job Nelson, 
William Abbott, and Thomas E. Hale, Esqrs., be a com- 
mittee to prepare an address to the General Court, express- 
ive of our feelings and sentiments relative to the alarming 
consequences which are likely to follow from the further 
prosecution of the war, and from several unconstitutional 
clauses in the late act of the government of the United 
States, laying an embargo — particularly in restricting the 
coasting trade from one port to another in the same State — 
and that they make their report at the adjournment of this 
meeting." The town this year passed a vote of thanks to 
Major Otis Little, for his faithful services as their Repre- 
sentative to the General Court of the Commonwealth. It 
also appears upon the records for this year, that the Fire- 
wards were provided, at the expense of the town, with 
suitable badges of their office. 

1814 — 1815. In the year 1814, the town offered a 
bounty of two dollars, for each wild-cat killed during the 
year. The town this year voted to have a bridge built 
across the narrows at Captain F. Bakeman's Mill Pond. 
The building of this bridge was set up at auction, and 
Jonathan L. Stevens bid it off at the sum of two hundred 
and twenty dollars. Mr. Thomas Adams represented the 
town this year at the General Court. The town was 
occupied by the British, during a portion of the years 
1814 and 1815, but no allusion to this event appears in the 
Municipal records. In the latter year, a title was, for the 
first time, obtained to the Common. 

1816. In 1816, Thomas E. Hale was chosen Represen- 
tative to the General Court. The town at this meeting 
voted : " That the thanks of this town be given to Deacon 


r)avid Willson, for his long and faithful services as a, 
Selectman ; he having served in that office for nineteen 
years successively, and now at this meeting declines a 
re-election." The town this year voted a third time 
against a separation of the District of Maine from the 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

1817. In 1817, the first hearse was purchased, and 
the first stove for warming the meeting-liouse. The Com-' 
mon was this year levelled and otherwise improved. 

The town also passed a vote in favor of having Cape 
Rozier set off to Sedgwick. Instead of that, ho.wever, by 
an act of the General Court, the town of Brooksville was 
incorporated— taking all that portion of Castine east of 
the Bagaduce River, (below Northern Bay,) except the 
islands not connected to the mainland by a bar. At the 
same time, about one-fourtli part of Penobscot wasr 
annexed to Castine. 

1819. In the year 1819, the town was for the fourth 
time called to vote upon the question of the separation of 
the District from the Commonwealth. This time it voted, 
by a small majority, in favor of such a separation, and 
William Abbott, Esq., was chosen a delegate to attend a 
Convention to be held in Portland, for the purpose of 
framing a Constitution for a new State. Samuel Upton 
was chosen Representative to the General Court. 

1820. On the fifteenth of March, 1820, the District of 
Maine was, by act of Congress, divorced from the Com- 
monAvealth of Massachusetts, and admitted into the Union 
as an independent State. 

1822. In the year 1822, William Abbott, Esq., was 
elected as the Representative of the town to the State 
Legislature. Mr. Abbott was not only the first Represent 
tative chosen by the town to the Legislatui-e of Maine, but 
was also the only one chosen by this town alone — as this 
office has since been filled by the joint votes of several 
towns. About this time, some of the inhabitants of a por- 
tion of Penobscot petitioned to be annexed to Castine. 
This town, however, voted against receiving them, and 
instructed its Representative to oppose it in the Legisla- 

1823. The next year— 1823 — coasting down Main 
street was forl)idden, by vote of the town. The boys 
were, doubtless, as obedient to this mandate of the town 
as boys are apt to be, in regard to requirements which mil- 


itate against their supposed rights. The town this year 
voted to purchase a hearse-house. Whether the hearse 
had been allowed to remain exposed to the weather all 
this time, or had been stored in some barn, the records do 
not state. 

1829. In the year 1829, the town made its first stand 
against intemperance, by refusing to license the sale of 

1881. In 1831, a committee was appointed to "remon- 
strate against a removal of the Courts. 

1832. During the summer of 1832, the cholera was 
prevailing in this country, and the excitement incident 
thereto extended to this town. Joseph Bryant, Esq., 
Joseph L. Stevens, M. D.,' Hezekiah' Williams, Esq., 
Joshua Carpenter, John H. Jarvis, Joshua Hooper, and 
Nathaniel Willson, were chosen as a Board of Health, and. 
one hundred dollars was appropriated to their use. They 
established a quarantine for vessels, inspected every house 
in town, and compelled the removal of all nuisances and 
filth. The measures taken were effectual, as no cholera 
cases occurred here, although the disease made its appear- 
ance in some of the other sea-board towns. 

1833. In the year 1833, the town voted to purchase a 
Poor Farm. This farm was located in Brooksville, on 
what was formerly called Hainey's Plantation. It was 
bought of Major Hodsclen, for the sum of fifteen hundred 
doHars. It contained one hundred and eighty-seven acres 
of land ; yielded from twenty to thirty tons of hay ; had 
on it a large quantity of young wood ; was well watered, 
and contained a mill privilege, and a house and barn. 
The house was thirty feet wide, by thirty-six feet in 
length. It was a story and a half high, and had four 
rooms on tlie lower floor — all finished and painted. The 
second story was unfinished. There was a cellar under 
the whole house, and a good well on the premises.* This 
year the town again refused to license the sale of liquor. 
From this time to the outbreak of the War of the Rebel- 
lion, the town records contain very little of interest. 

1836 — 1840. In 1836, the town again voted against 
the removal^of the Courts — though this time without pro- 
ducing any beneficial effect. The Courts were removed 
to Ellsworth, in 1838. In 1810, the town purchased the 

*Tlus farm has been sold by the town within a few years, and the town 
poor are now boarded. 


Court House, of Charles J. Abbott, Esq., for the sum of 
three hundred dollars. It has ever since been used as a 

1845. In the year 1845, money was appropriated for 
the purchase of the Bagaduce fire engine. This appears 
to be the earliest appropriation of money, made by the 
town, for the jjurchase of a fire engine, although there 
was such an engine in town at a much earlier date. 

1848. In 1848, the town passed its first code of By- 
Laws, and, for the first time, elected some policemen — six 
in numl^er. 

1849. In 1849, the town voted " that ten per cent of 
the highway tax be annually appropriated to the purchase 
and setting out of ornamental trees. 

1852. In the year 1852, the Common was fenced. 
This year the following letter — donating a Tomb — was 
received by the Selectmen : — 

" Bangor, October 14th, 1852. 
To the Selectmen of the town of Castine. 

Gentlemen : Beinc: tlie owner of a tomb in the ceme- 
tery at Castine, I propose to give it to the town, to be 
used by them as a receiving tomb. If they accept the 
gift, it is my wish that it be always in the care of the 
Selectmen of the town, and that once a year — say in the 
month of May — it should be cleaned of all the dead bodies 
which may have been deposited there. 

"With a lively recollection of the many favors bestowed 
on me while I was a citizen of your town, and with my 
wislies for the welfare and happiness of its inhabitants, I 

Respectfully, Your Obedient Servant, 


The town, at its first meeting thereafter, formally 
accepted the gift of this tomb. 

1853. The next year, — 1853 — the town voted to have 
plank sidewalks upon evenj street in the town. 

1855. In the year 1855, the town Library was estab- 
lished. The books left by the Social Library Association 
formed the nucleus of this library. The town voted : — 
" To raise a sum equal to one dollar on each poll assessed 
the last year, one-half to be collected the present year, and 
one-half the next year, to be expended in establishing a 
public library." Is voted also — '' that a committee of five 
persons be appointed by the Moderator, to make tlie rules 


and regulations for governing said library." Charles J. 
Abbott, William H. Witherle, Roland H. Bridghara, Sam- 
uel Adams, and Joseph L. Stevens, were appointed as this 
committegi. Mr. Frederic A. Hooke was chosen Treasurer, 
and Charles J. Abbott, Hezekiah Williams, Joseph L. 
Stevens, Charles A. Cate, and J. Haskell Noyes, were 
chosen Superintendents of the library. A book-case was 
also purchased this year. 

1856. In 1856, a copy of Stuart's portrait of Washing- 
ton was presented to the town by the artist — Miss E. M. 

1857. In 1857, the town voted to have a lock-up, for 
the temporary incarceration of offenders against the pub- 
lic weal. 

1858—1859. In 1858, the town voted in favor of a 
State prohibitory liquor law. In 1859, it passed resolu- 
tions in favor of building a railroad to the Aroostook. 

1861. In the year 1861, the town adopted the code of 
By-Laws now in operation, and elected twelve men as 
watchmen. From this time until the close of 1865, was 
the period of the Civil War. Nothing of importance, how- 
ever, occurs in the records, in reference to this event, 
except the votes concerning the passage of appropriations 
for bounties, etc. In July, 1861, the sum of twelve hun- 
dred dollars was appropriated towards furnishing supplies 
to the families of volunteers, and William H. Witherle, 
Roland H. Bridgham, Charles J. Abbott, Samuel Adams, 
and George H. Emerson, were chosen to disburse the 

1862. In 1862, the sum of fourteen hundred dollars 
was appropriated, to pay one hundred dollar bounties 
with ; also the twenty dollar bounties. The troops raised 
here were also furnished with two days' rations, uj)on 
leaving town. 

1863. In the year 1863, the sum of two thousand dol- 
lars was appropriated for aid to the families of volunteers. 
Drafted men were also paid one hundred dollars, and vol- 
unteers two hundred dollars, as a town bounty. 




Early Condition and Circumstances of the Citi- 
zens. — Welcome to Hon. Isaac Parker. — Benoni 
Thomas. — Theatre Royal. — Celebration of 
Queen's Birthday. — Illumination of the Town. 
Anniversaries. — Mourning for General Wash- 
ington. — House Warmings. — Associations of Dif- 
ferent Kinds. — Taverns and Boarding Houses. 
Newspapers. — Mails. — Shipwrecks, and Cap- 
tures OF Vessels. — Dkaths by Drowning and 
other Casualties. — Fires and Fire Companies. — 
Diseases and Mortality. — Court Times ant) 
Trials. — Epitaphs. — Traditions and Anecdotes. 

The social condition and circumstances of the inhabitants 
of Castine, in by-gone days, can only be inferi'ed from our 
general knowledge of the times, and from the few facts and 
occurrences that have been preserved. Separated and 
almost isolated as they are by the surrounding water, from 
nearly all the neighboring towns, the citizens of this place 
are, and have alwa3^s been, in a great measure, obliged to 
find their sources of amusement at home. Such was espec- 
ially the case in early times, when the relative importance 
of the place was so very much greater than at present, that 
there was no inducement to go elsewhere for amusement ; 
when, indeed, the wealth and fashion of the whole eastern 
section of country centered here. We find, accordingly, 
as far back as the date of the incorporation of tlie town, 
that balls, parties, theatrical exhil)itions, and celebrations 
of various kinds, were of common occurrence. 


Amusements and Festivities. 

The earliest event, of any social significance, of which 
there is any record, was a Welcome given to Honorable 
Isaac Parker, on his return from the General Comr in 
1797. It consisted of a public supper, at which were 
present several distinguished officers from abroad, as well as 
the officers and members of the Castine Artillery Company, 
who appeared in uniform. The occasion was enlivened by 
speeches and toasts, accompanied by the amount of noise, iu 
the shape of the beating of drums and firing of cannon, 
that is usually considered necessary at such times. In 
1810, there wiis an Exhibition at Mason's Hall, of a very 
distinguished personage of the time, one Benoni Thomas^ 
an adult, who was said to be only two feet and eight 
inches in height. 

On the second of January, 1815, the first play was given 
at the "Theatre Royal." This Theatre was held in Mr. 
Hooke's ham, which was fitted up for the occasion. This 
barn was afterwards removed off" the Neck, and now com- 
poses a portiou of Mr. Thomas Hatch's barn. The actors 
upon tliis occasion, l)elonged to the English garrison — at 
that time occupying the town — and the scenery, decorations, 
dresses, etc., were brought hitlier from Halifax. The gar- 
rison relieved the tedium of barrack life, by giving dramatic 
performances once a fortnight. The following lines, writ- 
ten by Doctor Mackesy, Surgeon of H. B. M.'s 62d Regi- 
ment, will give some idea of the actors, as well as of the 
performances : — 

Occasio7ial Epilogue to the Comedy of the Poor Gentleman. 

"The scene is closed, and Worthington* at rest 

From wetiry care that filled his anxious breast, 

His cottage raised in western wilds once more, 

But quits Saint La\vren(;e for Penobscot's shore. 

Here social views his little band inspire, 

To breathe responsive to Appollo's lyre; 

In tragic strains or Thalia's sprightly ai-t, 

Aim to enlarge and humanize the heart; 

With mimic woes the feeling bosom warm, 

Or merry satire calm the wintry storm. 

The drama's past, we close the sportive page; 

More varied duties now our thoughts engage. 

Emily,t this night so blessed iu love and riches, 
*Worthington (the Poor Gentleman)— Lieut. Gastin, Royal Artillery. 
fEmily Worthington— Major William Hull, 62d Regt. (Major of Brigade). 


At morning's dawn draws on her boots and breeches; 

Then AmaEon-lilcc extends the martial Hne, 

Giivcs out CDraraantis and seals the countersign. 

The proud Liicretlii,* though so nobly bred, 

Oft bleeds and blisters at the Galeu's liead; 

And gay Sir Charles,t forgetting Emily's loss, 

Attends aill duties under Corporal Foss.t 

Frederick,^^ no grave magistrate surpasses, 

In ministering oaths and writing passes-. 

While Old Harrowby's[j voice the vale alarms, 

With ' Attention ! I Steady ! I Shoulder Arms P 

And warlike aims the Cornet's^ soul inflame ; 

He shuts up shop, and treads the paths of fame! 

At Sir Robert's** nod the firm Rainparts rise, 

The Bastions range — the vengeful Bullet flies. 

Anxious to please, each member of the corps, > 

Shall do his best to cheer this dreary shore; 

More thankful still when, tried by candor's laws. 

The Poor Gentleman's efforts merit your applause." 

Two weeks after the above mentioned comedy was acted, 
the Queen's birthday was celebrated by the military. 

On the twenty-eighth of April following, the departure 
of the British forces from this place, was celebrated by an 
illumination of the town, which was, doubtless, as brilliant 
as the lack of gas or coal oil would permit. The houses, 
ra.ost of them, were illuminated by candles stuck irjto pota- 
toes for candlesticks. 

At a somewhat later period. House Warmings came into 
vogue. These were suppers given by the first occupants 
of newly built houses — usuallj'" ending with music and 

The Anniversaries of our National Independence were 
generally celebrated in former times by military parades, 
and a general effervescence of military spirit among the 
people, — too often accompanied l)y an outpouring of spirits 
of another kind I After the disbandment of the military 
companies, the day, so far as we can learn, has not been 
celebrated here until quite recent times. , 

*The Honorable Miss I.ucretia Mactab— Surgeon J. Mackesy, 62d Regt, 

tSir Charles cjro|)iand — Ensign J. Tummcrs, 02d Regt, 

JCorporal Foss — Lieut. J. Broodrick, '.".tlh Regt. 

^Frederick — Major Irvius, 02d Regt. 

JIFarmer Ilarrowby — Lieut. Col. Ximines. G2d Regt, 

llCornct Uihtpod— Adjutant J. Veazic, 2ath Regt, 

**Sir Robert Bramlde— Caplain Bonnyeastle, Royal Engineers. 

[Stephen— Lieut. R. Wild, "iitth Regt. Dame Ilarrowl^v— Lieut. J. Dennis, 
G2d Regt, Mary— Lieut. W. llewatt, G2d Regt.] 


July ITtli, 1797, the anniversary of the clay when our 
Treaties with France were abrogated by act of Congress, 
Avas celebrated by the discharge of cannon, and a parade of 
tlie artillery. After these exercises were over, the citizens 
assembled at the meeting-house, where a prayer was offered 
by Reverend Mr. Mason, and an oration delivered by 
]\[r. Isaac Story. A collation was served in the evening, 
at Woodman's "Coffee House." 

Sekvices Commemorative of the Death of George 

The twenty-second of February, 1800, was selected bj'" 
Congress as a day of National Mourning for the death of 
General Washington. The citizens of this town were not 
behindhand in their preparations for the day. A citizens' 
meeting was held several weeks previously, and a committee 
(^f the most prominent men of the town, chosen to super- 
intend the arrangements. We quote the account of the 
l)roceedings upon that day, from the Castine Journal, of 
that week. 

" The day was announced by the discharge of a cannon, 
at sunrise, by Lieutenant Lee's Artillery. At twelve 
o'clock M., a procession was formed at the Court House, 
in the following order. 

Company of Artillery, 

(Music and Standard in mourning.) 

Schoolmaster and Scholars, 

Youths from fourteen to twenty-one years of age, 

Sheriff of the County, 

Minister and Orator, 

Officers of the Continental Array, 

Military Officers (in uniform). 

Judges and Justices of the Peace, 

Clerk of the Court and Town Clerk, 


Register of Deeds and Representatives, 


Hancock Lodge — 

properly clothed with jewels, columns, etc., in mourning, 

the Master and Wardens bearing candlesticks with candles, 

the Wardens' candles burning, the Master's extinguished. 

When arrived at the meeting-house, the candlesticks were 

placed in a triangle on the Pedestal of the Lodge, which 


was covered with black and placed in the center of the 
broad aisle, and continued, two burning and one extin- 
guished, during the solemnities. — 

Citizens, two ^d two. 
The procession proceeded with slow and solemn music, 
from the Court House to North street, down North to 
Water street, up Water to Main street, up Main to Court 
street, and thence to the meeting-house ; — during the 
procession, sixteen minute-guns Were fired. The Artillery 
and youths opened to the right and left, the Artillery with 
arms reversed. The procession moved through, the music 
playing a Dead March. After enteriiig the meeting-house, 
the audience being seated, a pertinent and well adapted 
prayer was delivered by Reverend William Mason, a funeral 
anthem was then sung by a choir of singers selected for the 
purpose ; after which an excellent oration was pronounced 
iDy William Wetmore, Esq. The meeting-house exhibited 
appearances of mourning which "were calculated to impress- 
the mind with seriousness and veneration ; the Pulpit 
covered with black, and the windows and pillars hung in 
festoons of black." 


Besides the foregoing amusements, celebrations and 
anniversaries, which were, of course, attended by all, old 
and young, male and female, there have been at different 
times associations of various kinds — either charitable, lit- 
erary or social in their character- — the membership of 
which has been more or less limited. 

Foremost, in point of time, is Hancock Lodge, No. 4, 
of Free and Accepted Masons. The charter of this 
Lodge is dated at Boston, June 9th, 1794, and is signed 
by John Cvitler, Grand Master ; Mungo Mackey, Grand 
Senior Warden ; Samuel Parkman, Grand Junior Warden ; 
and Samuel Colesworthy, Grand Secretary. David Howe, 
Esq., was elected as the first Master. The first lodge was 
opened November 11th, 1794, at the house of the widoAV 
Deborah Orr. In September, 1814, the hall was taken 
possession of by the English, and the lodge met at the 
house of David Howe. As a result of the Anti-Masonic 
Crusade — the effects of which were at that time still 
felt — the charter of the lodge was surrendered about the 
year 1849 or '50. In the year 1851, the old charter was 
re-issued bv the Grand Lodge of Maine, and Samuel K^ 


Whiting Was elected the first Master of what was, virtually, 
a newloclo'e — althouHi enouo-h of the old members were then 
hviiig to constitute its charter members. The nQ\Y lodge 
was fortunate in finding most of the Masonic furniture 
of the old, carefully preserved. Singularly enough, the 
Seal of the old lodge was found between the ends of two 
timbers of the old schooner llichigan, while it was under- 
going. repairs at Deer Isle, in 186G.* 

In the year ISOl, the Social Library Association was 
formed. The preamble to the constitution of this Asso- 
ciation—probably written by Reverend William Mason — • 
gives so clear an idea of the object of the Society, that 
we insert it entire :- — 


" It is greatly to be lamented that excellent abilities are 
not unfrequently doomed to obscurity, by reason of 
poverty ; that the rich purchase almost everything but 
books ; and that reading has become so unfashionable an 
amusement in what we are pleased to call this enlightened 
age and countr3\ To remedy these evils ; to excite a 
fondness for books ; to afford the most rational and profit- 
able amusements ; to prevent idleness and immorality ; 
and to promote the diffusion of useful kuov/ledge, piety, 
and virtue, at an expense v/hich small pecuniary abilities 
can afford, we are induced to associate for the above pur- 
pose; and each agrees to pay for the number of shares 
annexed to his name, at five dollars per share." 

This Association commenced with thirty-five share- 
holders, and a fund of one hundred and seventy-five dol- 
lars. Reverend William Mason was chosen clerk and 
librarian. Mr. Otis Little was chosen treasurer, and Mr. 
Doty Little, collector. Captain Joseph Perkins, Captain 
John Perkins, Deacon Mark Hatch, Thomas Cobb, Esq., 
and Doctor Moses Adams, were elected trustees. 

The number of books belonging to this Association is 
not given ; and, so far as the records show, but few meet- 
ings of its members were ever held. The last records of 
the Society are dated June 4th, 1849. The greater num- 
ber of the books belonging to it were given to the Castine 
Public Library. 

*We are indebted for the foregoing- account to a ver}- interesting History of 
Hancock Lodge, compiled by Mr. David W- AVobster, Jr., a citivzeu of this 
town, and a past Master of the Lotlge, 


Several Societies were organized about the same time, 
in the year 1828. The Hancock Debating Club comes 
first. This Club was formed Januar}^ 9th, for purposes of 
mutual improvement. No records of it have been pre- 
served. On February 12th, the Hancock Agriculturtd 
Society, and the Liberal Temperance Society were formed. 
The records of neither Society can be found, and have 
probably been destroyed. The latter Society was the 
first Temperance Association ever organized here, and 
was, as its name implies, liberal in its prohibitions, com- 
pared with more modern associations for a similar object, 
and its pledge was only binding for one year.* Since the 
dissolution of the above named Society, there have been 
several temperance organizations formed here. A com- 
pany of "• Washingtonians " existed here for a long time, 
and was followed by a Division of the Sons of Temper- 
ance. The latter society was succeeded by a Lodge of 
(jood Templars. t All of these associations have done a 
good work in the cause of temperance, and the latter still 
continues in a thriving condition. 


The taverns and stores afforded the same opportunity 
to many, in former times, that tlicy do now, to obtain the 
current news of the day through the medium of the 
weekly papers and the mails. The earliest tavern in this 
region, to Avhich any reference can be found, was one kept 
"over the Ferry," in Penobscot, by a Mr. Brewer, in 1795. 
[R. B. Thomas — Farmer's Almanac, 1795.] The next 
was the inn kept by the Avidow Deborah Oir, in 1798. 
It was situated on the south side of Main street, nearly 
opposite the house now occupied by Miss Nancy Dodge. 
Li the year 1799, there was one that went by the name of 
Woodman's Coffee House. The building is now owned 
and occupied by Mr. Josiah B. Woods. In more recent 
times, the following taverns have from time to time 
flourished here. One, called the Lakeman House, situ- 
ated near the present residence of Captain Joseph Stearns, 
was kept by the widow Lakeman. The Atlantic House, 
kept by John Little, was in the building now owned and 

*Do:ieon Samuel Adiiins, Mr. John Dresser, and Doctor Joseph L. 
Steviii>, were the originators of tliis Society. The tirst-named individual 
was also tile lirsl person in Castine to voluntarily give up ihe sale of inloxi- 
cutiny (Iriiilis. 

tRising Virtue Lodge, No. 109. 


occupied by Messrs. Alexander J. and Augustus G. Per- 
kins. Tlie Castine House, kept by Benjamin Robinson, is 
now the handsome residence of Mr. Alfred Adams, on 
Main street. The Bagaduce House, kept by Nathaniel 
Hooper, is still owned and occupied by his sons. It is 
opposite the Custom House. The Union House (pre- 
viously the Lalcemaji,') was kept by James Hooper, and 
the Jarvis House was kept by a Mr. Leman. The latter 
is now the Castine House, kept by Captain Horatio D. 
Hodsdon. In addition to these, there was a sailors' 
boarding-house, called the " Green Dragon," kept in the 
building now used by Mr. Alfred Adams, as a stove store ; 
and another kept by the widow Perkins, in the house now 
occupied by Mr. Jothan Gardner. There were, doubtless, 
many other boarding-houses kept during the period when 
the Courts were held here ; but they seem to have passed 
out of the recollection of the inhabitants, with the excep- 
tion of one kept by Mr. Richard Jaques, in the house 
where Mr. William Sawyer now lives. He and his wife 
were a very singular couple. He is said to have been of a 
peculiarly crust}^ and taciturn nature, while his wife was 
decidedly the reverse. It is related of the latter, that on 
one occasion, when she was not feeling very well, she told 
her minister that when she died, she " wanted to go to 
heaven by way of Boston." This goes to show that there 
were people at that time, as now, who considered nothing 
as worth having, unless it came b}^ way of the Modern 


Castine was the first town in this eastern section, and 
the fourth in Maine, to possess a weekly newspaper. The 
one first issued here is said, by Honorable William Willis, 
[History of Portland,] to have been called the Castine 
Gazette, and to have been established in 1798, by Daniel 
S. Waters. " Isaac Story, a young lawyer of promise in 
that town, being, he says, "a principal contributor." The 
Gazette of Maine was taken in this vicinity by subscribers 
as early as 1793 ; but it is believed to have been the one 
published in Portland, and not, as thought by some, the 
one referred to by Willis, nor even the one, by the same 
name, that was published in Bucksport, in 1808.* 

*We have in our possession .a bill for subscription to this paper from 
No\\ 4th, 1793, to Nov. 4th, 1794. Tlie amount [not including postage) was 
seven shillings and sixpence. The bill is receipted by John Lee. We have 
also a copy of the paper published in Buckstown, in 1808. 


In 1799, the Castine Journal and Eastern Advertiser 
was published here, by Daniel S. Waters. Isaac Story- 
assisted in its editorial management. This paper was 
well filled with the foreign news of the period, and some 
attention was given to the general news of the country ; 
but none whatever to local matters. In 1809-10, a 
paper called The Eagle, was published here, by Samuel 
Hall. It was similar, in its general character, to the 
Journal, but was not quite so large. In this paper are to 
•be found advertisements in regard to three fugitive appren- 
tices, for one of whom, a young mulatto boy, one cent is 
«^enerously offered. In 1828, a paper was published here, 
by Benjamin F. Bond. It was called the Eastern Ameri- 
can, and was somewhat larger than any of its predecessors. 
It was more devoted to politics than either of the others, 
and more frequent allusion was made in it to local matters. 
In one number, reference is made to a calf, born on the 
farm of David Wasson, of Brooksville, which weighed at 
birth seventy-seven pounds, and which, in less than a 
month, had increased in weight to one hundred and 
twenty pounds. 

Sometime in the course of this year, an attempt was 
made to establish a literary paper here, by the name of 
The Crescent. Only three or four numbers were issued, 
when the undertaking was abandoned, for want of suffi- 
cient patronage. No weekly paper has been published in 
this place since that time.* 

Post-Offices and Mails. 

In former times, when the mail was received at long 
intervals, and postage was high,! letters were considered of 
much greater consequence than they are now. They were 
then anxiously looked for, were read again and again by 
hosts of friends, and were the topics of conversation for 
weeks. The earliest reference to a regular mail, is in 1793. 
At that time, George Russell, of this town, carried the 
mail on foot, once a week, from here to St. George, and 
intermediate places. He carried it at first, tied up in a 

*In 1S72, a monthly paper, called the Castine Gazette, and devoted 
exclusively to local matters, was piibiisiicd by us, in order to test the feasi- 
bility of c6nvertiu.c it into a weekly. Only eighteen niunber.s were issued, 
wh(!n the undertakinf; was abandoned. 

tin IT'JS, the postaj;e on a letter between here anil Boston was twenty-five 



yellow handkerchief; but his business increased to such 
an extent, that he afterwards used saddle-bags. [Eaton's 
Thomaston, So. Thomaston, and Rockland.] In 1799, 
there were letter mails once a week, but the regular news- 
papers were delivered by a special post. The earliest 
mail from this place, to the eastern part of the State, was 
carried by John Grindell, of Sedgwick, about the year 
1795. His contract with Joseph Habersham, Post Master 
General U. S. A., has been preserved. According to 
the terms of this contract, he was to carry the mail " from 
Passamaquoddy, by Machias, Gouldsborough, Sullivan, 
Trenton and Bluehill, to Penobscot, in the District of 
Maine ; and from Penobscot by the same route to Passa- 
maquoddy, once in two weeks, at the rate of eighty-four 
dollars and fifty cents for every quarter of a year." 
There were no roads at that time, and he carried the mail 
in a boat along the shore. The earliest mail to Ellsworth, 
that we can learn of, was carried by Abner Lee, of this 
town. Mr. Lee at first drove the stage with two horses ; 
but having, through some misfortune, lost one of them, 
he afterwards drove it for several years with a horse and 
heifer harnessed together.* The regular mail was first 
carried to Bucksport, in 1819, by Benjamin F. Stearns. 
David Howe, Esq., was the Post Master here in 1800, and 
was the first of whom any record exists. There was no 
daily mail to this town, until some time in the month of 
February, 1828. 

Captuees of Vessels. 

The news carried each way by the mail or special post, 

was not always the cause of rejoicing. Accounts of sliip- 

wrecks and captures abroad, together with the occurrence 

of fires, diseases, trials, deaths, and other calamities at 

liome, gave occasion for the exhibition of more serious 

feelings. During the troubles with France and England 

— from 1799 to 1810 — there were many captures made of 

vessels hailing from this port. On June 1st, 1799, the 

schooner Polly, bound from Barbadoes to Wilmington, 

was captured by the French, and the crew made prisoners. 

The schooner Lark was also captured by the French, the 

same year, and her deck load destroyed. In 1800, the 

*Such is the traditional account here. We have no positive testimony to 
this eflect. 


sbip Hiram, Captain Samuel Austin Whitney, was cap- 
tured four times, by the French. In the year 1810, the 
schooner Abigail, Captain John Perkins, was also taken by 
the cruisers of the same nation. The account of the 
third capture of the ship Hiram, in a book entitled, -' Inci- 
dents in the Life of Samuel Austin Whitney, [pp. 37 to 
41, of Appendix,] is so interesting that we give it entire: — 

" On the thirteenth of September, 1800, the Hiram 
was taken by a French armed vessel. By dint of long 
persuasion, the Frenchmen were prevailed upon to allow 
Captain Whitney to stay by his vessel, together with his 
young brother Henry, an old man, and a boy. They put 
a prize-master and nine men on board — one of whom was 
a negro. Captain Whitney had secured his pistols in a 
crate. When his companions saw him putting out of the 
way every article that could be used as a weapon, clearing 
up decks, and making everythilig tidy, they concluded 
that ere long they should be called upon to bear a hand ; 
and in this they were not disappointed. 

The prize-master was lying on the hen-coop, dozing ; 
there was a light wind, and some of the crew chanced to 
be in the forecastle. Captain Whitne}^ went below, after 
placing the heavers where he could see them, and took his 
rusty pistols from the crate. He came on deck, went 
directly aft, and knocked down the man who was steering. 
He next grappled the prize-master, lying upon the hen- 
coop, who proved too stout for him ; and while he was 
trying to put him overboard, the men below heard the out- 
cry, and ran to the rescue. As the ship rolled at that 
moment, he pushed the prize-master overboard, and 
regained his footing just as the crew reached the quarter- 
deck. He then drew his pistol, saying that he would 
shoot the first man that came another inch aft, and leveled 
a blow with his fist at the leader, who ran forward, the 
rest following, — Captain Whitney at their heels, with a 
hammer in one hand, and a pistol in the other. They ran 
forward around the long boat, and so aft, and as often as 
they turned, he would point the pistol, saying : — ' Sur- 
render, and I will use you well ; resist, and I will shoot,' 
or words to that effect. There was a negro — he might 
have been the cook ; but I do not recollect about that — 
who sallied out from the rest of the crew, armed with an 
axe, which had been overlooked. As they passed around 
the long boat forward, the negro made a stand to disable 


Captain Whitney, as he went by, driving the crew before 
him ; but a shot from the pistol brought him to the deck, 
and a well-directed blow with the axe killed him upon 
the spot. After this decisive act, the men made only one 
more turn, and ran into the cabin ; and so terrified were 
they, that Captain Whitney, who followed them in, 
seized a chest by the handle, and drew it clear to the 
deck of the ship. He afterwards remarked : — ' I never 
could tell how it was done, for it was very heavy.' Hav- 
ing landed it on deck, the first tiling that met his eye 
was the man he had thrown overboard, who had just 
regained the deck, and stabbed his brother Henry, with a 
dirk. He said to the old man, ' Stop that fellow ; ' and 
himself dealt a blow which so staggered him that he was 
able to j)ut him into the cabin with the others, — now 
eight in all. Poor Henry was in a sad state, faint with 
loss of blood, and no means of stopping it at hand ; but 
the Whitney courage never failed him. His brother took 
some oakum, and bound it over the place made by the 
knife, and, carrying him to the forecastle, laid him down 
beside a lot of bottles. He stationed the old man at the 
companion-way, also with several bottles — -to be used in 
case of resistance. He then ordered the men up, one by 
one, and they were all put down into the ship's forecastle. 

Having secured his prisoners, his next thought was for 
his young brother, who had gone below, and seemed 
to be quite comfortable ; but in three days, he was very 
ill. On examining the wound, it proved to be very badly 
gangrened, and Captain Whitney was certain he must 
lose him ; but all he could, or did do, was to keep the 
wound Avet with brandy, till Henry was convalescent. 

Captain Whitney had possession of his ship ten days ; 
and during that time, and until he was again captured, 
lie passed all the food to the crew through a hole which 
had been made for a funnel, when, on his previous voyage, 
he carried passengers forward. He and the man handled 
the heavy canvass, so that the ship was under easy way. 

About nine o'clock in the morning, his man, then at the 
helm, discovered a sail, bearing directly for them, but a 
long distance off. He called Captain Whitney, who, after 
watching the stranger some time with his glass, said, ' We 
will keep on our course ; I have no doubt it is a French 
Man-of-War.' When within a mile of her, the captain 
took the helm, and sent the man below. They were soon 


"witliin speaking distance, when he was ordered to send 
his boat on board ; but he took no notice of the privateer, 
which had shot ahead, rounded to, and run across the 
stern of the Hiram quite near, hailing, ' Send your boat 
on board of us.' After tampering with his pursuers in 
this way for some time, they fired on him; but he still 
kept on his course ; they backing, filling, chasing and 
firing, till finally, the wind dying almost entirely away, 
they ran so near as to inquire what he meant. He had no 
colors flying. He replied that he was alone, and could 
not leave his ship ; and if they wanted anything of him, 
they must come and see him ; at which they asked him to 
heave back his topsail. He called his man, and hove the 
ship to, and a boat was sent to him, the French captain, 
who spoke English, coming himself. 

A long discussion ensued between Captain Whitney and 
the French commander, who, at first, was incredulous at 
his statement ; but, while they were talking, some ot the 
boat's crew went to the forecastle, and set the prisoners 
free. The pri^e-master soon told the whole story, where- 
upon the French captain exclaimed : ' Sacre, one man take 
nine ! ' The prize-master entreated them to spare him. 
It was mortifj'ing enough to be taken, but he did not wish 
to hear about it. It was a long time before Captain Whit- 
ney could persuade them to let hira remain by the ship. 
He urged upon them the unfairness of taking him away, 
as they might fall in Avith an English' cruiser, and in that 
case he would be on the spot to claim his property. At 
last they consented, and to let Henry stop with him ; but 
his man was taken on board of their vessel. He belonged 
in Newport, and was living at the time Captain Whitney 
told of these transactions. They put on board the Hiram 
a lieutenant and eighteen men. 

Captain Whitney's first work now was to destroy, or 
put out of order, all their nautical instruments. His own 
quadrant he was master of himself, and kept a dead 
reckoning, so that he knew something of their position. 
After sailing about a week, the crew grew uneasy, and 
the officers lost confidence in themselves, and applied to 
their prisoner to navigate the ship. He told them that 
he would do so, and gave them liis word that he would do 
all in his power that they should be well treated ! Finally 
they gave him the command. He shaped his course for 
Savannah, as nearly as he could, and in a few days had 


the inexpressible joy of seeing the land, and feeling the 
land breeze. Said he : ' In twenty-four hours I should 
have been in, had not the lieutenant called the men aft, 
and telling them what an everlasting disgrace it would be 
to him, persuaded them to let him again have command.' 
Twice they foiled him in this way. Twice he had made 
his port, and twice they took all hope from him ; and 
when they turned from land the second time, he told them, 
in pretty strong language, that they might take the ship 
and go to perdition, for he would have no more to do 
with them ; and then he went below. ' In a day or two 
after this,' he said ' as I was lying in my berth, I heard a 
great noise on deck, and as I rolled over, the ship came 
round within half cable-length of the shore, and not a 
soul but myself knew where we were. It was Bermuda. 
I then made up my mind that I would advise a little, and 
directed them how to shape their course for Guadaloupe, 
meaning all the time to bring up at Martinique, and in this 
I was pretty successful.' He continued: 'It was about 
eight o'clock in the morning, when the Weutenant came 
below, and told me we had made a large ship, that we must 
be near Guadaloupe, and before morning, would be in. I 
laughed to myself, to see how nicely they were caught, but 
said nothing, till they were so near that there was no 
chance for escape. I then said to the lieutenant, ' You 
had better have gone to the United States ; you are a 
prize to the English.' The lieutenant was perfectly dumb 
for a moment. He saw what must take place ; and as they 
got ready a barge from the ship, he begged of me, when 
they hailed, to say, ' an American ship.' ' I will,' I re- 
plied, ' but I will also add, a prize to the French, which I 
did, and the reply was, ' We shall be most happy to relieve 

He was at Port Royal three months ; and the court be- 
fore which the case was tried gave several dinners without 
asking him, or even inviting him to the table ; and when 
the salvage was paid, he found the dinners charged also, 
costing him several hundred dollars ! At last he set 
sail under convoy, and arrived in Savannah some time 
in 1801." 

Shipwrecks and Drowning. 

In a town situated upon the sea-side, whose chief inter- 
ests and pursuits have always been of a maritime nature, 
it would be expected that shipwrecks and deaths by 


drowning would be events of not uncommon occurrence. 
Disasters to navigation have been, perhaps, as common to 
the citizens of this community as to otliers ; but deaths by 
drowning have been comparatively rare occurrences. 
There is no record to be found-of any such accident hap- 
pening, prior to the year 1794i. From that date down to 
the year 1860, a period of sixty-five years, there have been 
in all, forty-four persons, residents of Castine, who have 
thus lost their lives. An average of .62 per annum. Of 
this number, twenty-four were lost at sea, one at New 
Orleans, and two in Penobscot Bay, leaving but eighteen 
who could have been drowned within the limits of this 
harbor. Of this latter number, in six cases the record of 
their death does not state where they were drowned. 
The saddest event of this kind was the loss of the schooner 
J. 31. Tilden and crew, on the island of Amherst — one of 
the Magdalen group — in October, 1867. Eighteen men, 
in all, perished at this time. The captain, Benjamin Syl- 
vester, and one man, belonged in Deer Isle. The remain- 
ing sixteen belonged in this town. One-half of the men 
were married, and all of them were very worthy young 
men. Many of them were part owners of the vessel. In 
addition to the above mentioned cases, the schooner Sam- 
uel Noyes was wrecked, on the thirteentli day of February, 
1818, it being the second day out, on her trip to Cuba, 
and five men perished on board, from exposure. The 
captain, Mr. James Hatch, was taken from the wreck, 
after nine days exposure, and died in Glasgow, Scotland, 
two days after having had his leg amputated. In 1812, 
Robert McFarland, of this town, aged twenty-nine years, 
was murdered, by the natives, on the coast of Africa. 

FiKES AND Fire Companies. 

Castine has suffered but few times from fires, and never 
from any very extensive conflagration. The earliest fire 
in this vicinity, to which any reference can be found, was 
that of Mr. Justus Sopher's house, at Penobscot, in 1797. 
In 1809, the schooner Commerce^ owned by Messrs. Ilooke 
and Witherle, was destroyed by fire. In 1819, a barn, 
belonging to T. Avery, Esq., of North Castine, was struck 
by lightning, and burned. In 1821, occurred the most 
extensive fire that has ever been known here. Tlie stores 
of Major Little, Holbrook & Brooks, Witherle & Jarvis, 


and Joseph Palmer, being entirely consumed, altliough 
their contents were for the most part saved. On March 
6th, 1828, the rope-walk was burned, and October 7th, 
1830, the new one erected in place of it was also destroyed 
by fire. On August 21st, 1848, the houses of Mr. Otis 
Little, and of Judge Nelson, were burned. The last 
serious fire occurred in the year 1857, upon the first of 
March. At this fire, the store of Hatch & Bridgham, 
occupied at that time by Mr. James B. Crawford, and 
Charles J. Abbott, Esq., was entirely consumed. 

The first fire engine in town was the Hancock, Number 
One. When, and by whom, this engine was obtained, is 
a matter of some doubt. It was not likely that it was pur- 
chased by the town, since no appropriation for it appears 
upon the town records. The only accounts we have of 
the company belonging to it, are contained in a few 
scorched leaves — parts of the records of the company — 
which were found on the wharf, shortly after the burning 
of the store of Hatch & Bridgham, and in a list of its 
members for the year 1840. The following extracts from 
the leaves referred to, will be of interest: — 

" Friday, August 13th, 1819. Last evening, after four 
days continued fog, the wind suddenly changed to north- 
east, and the clouds seemed to indicate a storm approach- 
ing. Between eight and nine o'clock, the thunder and 
lightning was frequent and heavy, though apparently 
some distance off. At ten, the storm commeuced; the 
wind veered to southeast, attended with thunder and 
lightning, heavy and sharp in the extreme; the rain 
descended in torrents. About twelve o'clock, the wind 
changed to northwest, and three severe shocks of thunder 
and lightning were heard, in quick succession, dreadful 
beyond comparison. A barn, belonging to T. Avery, Esq., 
was struck at this time, and entirely consumed, with its 
contents, about fifty tons of hay, farming utensils, etc. 
It also struck the house of Mr. Avery, and slightly dam- 
aged it ; also entered the house of Mrs. Freeman, and 
split a bedstead, on which were two females. It also 
struck the Packet sloop General Washington, lying at 
Gray's wharf, and split the mast from the topmast to the 
deck, taking out almost one-quarter of the mast. The 
fire seemed at first a considerable distance off, and, it 
then storming very bad, it was thought best not to start 
the engine. About three o'clock, morning, the bell 


sounded the alarm of fire, the storm havmg abated, and 
Captain AverN' being fearful of the wind coming to the 
north, in which case his house would be endangered from 
the burning ruins of the barn, sent for the engine to assist 
in quenching it. Repaired to the spot with the engine, 
with all possible dispatch." 

"Monday, July 3d, 1820. At four o'clock to-day, 
repaired to the engine house. Voted to meet at eleven 
o'clock to-morrow morning, to choose officers, and to par- 
take of some punch, to be provided b}' the committee. Mr. 
Fuller came late, and was fined one shilling and sixpence. 

I. S. COFFIN, Clerk." 

" Tuesday, July 4th, 1820. Met this day at Mason's 
Hall, per adjournment, and partook of some refreshments, 
provided by the committee. Jonathan L. Stevens was 
re-chosen captain, and I. S. Coffin,' clerk. Messrs. J. H. 
Jarvis, T. B. Capron, and S. Adams, committee to serve 
for the year ending May, 1821. I. S. COFFIN, Clerk." 

" Sunday, January 28th, 1821. Early this morning, 
the inhabitants of this town were alarmed by the cry of 
fire. It originated in the counting-room of the store 
occupied by Holbrook & Brooks, and had made great 
progress before it was discovered. This building, (viz : — 
stores occupied by Major O. Little, Holbrook & Brooks, 
Witherle & Jarvis, and Joseph Palmer) was entirely con- 
sumed ; the contents principally saved. The store of B. 
Brooks, on the wharf, caught fire two or three times, but 
was as often extinguished. The exertions of all*, on this 
occasion, were great in the extreme, and deserve much 
credit — of which the females are entitled to a good share. 
Never were people more engaged, or more resolute. The 
store of David Howe, Esq., distant oidy fourteen inches 
from the Ijuilding on fire, was not even scorched. Sails 
were suspended from the eaves of this building, and kept 
constantly wet, to which, in a great degree, should be 
attributed its salvation. Where all did well, it is hard to 
select ; but the active, the zealous exertions of Messrs. E. 


M. P. Wells, John Lee, C. K. Tilden, George Coffin, and 
Joseph Palmer, were so conspicuous, that we should do 
iDJustice, not to j)ut their names on record. The whole 
loss is estimated at seven thousand one hundred and fifty 
dollars. I. S. COFFIN, Clerk." 

In the year 1840, the military company, known as the 
Hancock Guards, offered their services to the town, as 
Engine Men. Their offer was probably not accepted, as a 
number of other persons agreed to put the engine in 
thorough repair, to keep it in good condition, and to per- 
form all the duties required of Engine Men. The following 
is the list of members approved, at that time, by the 
Selectmen : — 

M. P. Hatch, Frederick A. Jarvis, 

Andrew Brown, Otis Morey, 

John Clark, Sylvester Simpson, 

Nathaniel Hooper, Charles H. Averill, 

Mason H. Wilde, Joseph W. Stearns, 

Joseph B. Brooks, Elisha D. Perkins, 

Benjamin D. Gay, J. S. Gardner, 

James H. Hall, Joshua Hooper, Jr., 

Francis Vanwycke, Noah Mead, Jr., 

Levi S. Emerson, Elbridge G. Bridges, 

Daniel Gallighan, Thomas Sellers, 

Thomas WilUamson, Elbridge G. Hall, 

James B. Crawford, Asa Howard, 

Josiah B. Woods. 

This engine was the only one in town, until the year 
1845, when the Bagaduce, Number Two, was purchased. 
At what time the fire ladders were bought, and the 
boxes made for them, is not known with certainty, since 
no reference is made to them in the town. records. It is 
not unlikely that they were purchased about the same 
time that the Bagaduce Engine was, and were paid for 
from the contingent fund. 

Disease and Mortality. 

Castine has always enjoyed a remarkable immunity 
from epidemic and infectious diseases. Indeed, it may be 
considered a pre-eminently healthy place. The mortality 
of the town compares favorably with that of any other in 
the State, and is mostly confined to those advanced in life. 


The few deaths which occur here are principally from 
phthisis pulmonalis (consumption). Typhoid Fever and 
Dysentery are almost unknown here as epidemics. Doc- 
tor Joseph L. Stephens, who has kept a record of all the 
deaths in town for more than thirty years, informs us that 
the proportion of deaths from pulmonary consumption is 
much below the average, and that the percentage of 
deaths, from all causes, he believes to be below the gen- 
eral average of the country towns in New England — 
averaging for the last half centur}^, only 1.38 per cent, of 
the population. To use his own language : — " Dysentery 
is scarcel}^ known here, there having been but three 
deaths from it within fifty years. Cholera Infantum 
usually appears every autumn — deaths averaging from one 
to five. Of Inflammation of the Lungs, the average is 
thought to be large. In the number of dangerous chronic 
diseases are Epilepsy and Insanity. It is feared that in 
this place they may even be called endemic. Of the 
former, six cases have been known to exist at once, — vary- 
ing in duration from one year to forty. Of Insanity, the 
proportion is large. There are now, from this town, four 
cases in the asylum at Augusta, and there has been an 
average of three there, ever since it was first founded. 
For the first twenty years of the writer's residence here, 
not one fatal case of Croup is remembered. Since then, a 
number have occurred, but none within the last five or six 
years. Of Chronic Rheumatism, we have probably our 
full share ; but of Acute Rheumatism, (Rheumatic Fever,) 
the proportion of cases is very small. We think it can be 
noted as a matter of congratulation, the comparative frt^e- 
dom of the town from Intemperance. Prior to the remark- 
able temperance reform which commenced about forty-five 
years ago, there would occur, occasionally, a case of 
Delirium Tremens. The Washingtonian movement, so 
called, in aid of this reform, happened soon after. Since 
then, not a single case, of any severity, has occurred here. 
During the whole residence of the writer in town, but one 
fatal case has occurred, and that was complicated M'ith a 
very serious and painful injury. It must be stated, how- 
ever, that many cases of disease have been indirectly 
owing to intemperate halnts." 

Such being the facts in regard to tlie health of the town, 
it is not surprising that })iit little attention should have 
been paid here to sanitary matters — except at rare inter- 


vals. In the year 1803, owing to some cases of a malignant 
disease having been bronght to town, by a vessel, a quar- 
antine was established for a few weeks. In 1805, there 
were several cases of Small Pox ; and again in the years 
1840 and 1859, a few cases of this disease occurred. 
About the tenth of September, 1832, owing to the general 
j)revalenee of Cholera in this country, some alarm was 
manifested here ; a quarantine was established, and the 
whole town cleansed and disinfected. 

Notwithstanding the general healthfulness of this com- 
munity, however, it has never been deprived of the services 
of those valuable no7i-producers — physicians. There has 
always been, at least, one reputable doctor here — and dur- 
ing the palmy days of the town, there were three or more 
at one time. The healthy condition of the people has, 
however, had the effect of rendering the fees of physicians 
rather larger than in most places of the same size. It may 
surprise some to learn that the prices charged for each 
visit by the doctors here as long ago as 1816, were exactly 
the same as to-day.*' Such is the fact, nevertheless. The 
only difference is, that in old times, the physicians fur- 
nished »iiiore medicine than they do to-day. Whether 
this was to the advantage of their patients or not, we will 
leave the homeopathisU to decide. 

Courts and Trials. 

At the formation of the County of Hancock, in 1790, 
Penobscot was made the shire town, and in June of that 
year, the first term of the Court of Common Pleas was 
held. The second term was held in September. The 
Probate Court was also held here. Honorable Oliver Par- 
ker, of this town ; Honorable Paul D. Sargent, of Sulli- 
van ; and Honorable William Vinal, of Vinalhaven, were 
the Judges. As the County buildings were situated upon 
this peninsula, Castine was made the shire town, at the 
time of its incorporation, in 1796. By act of the Legis- 
lature in 1801, one term of the Supreme Court was held 
here each year. Castine remained the only shire town of 
the County until 1814, when Bangor was made a half 
shire town. Ellsworth was made the shire town, and the 
courts removed thither, in 1838. Our inability to examine 
the old Court Records, prevents our giving, as we in- 

*Some bills of Drs. Gage and Mann, of that date, are in the author's pos- 


tended, a somewhat extended account of the more impor- 
tant trials — civil as well as criminal— and of the parties 
engaged in them, during the forty-eight years that Penob- 
scot and Castine were the shire towns of the county. 
From other sources, however, we have been enabled to 
obtain some imperfect accounts of the several murders on 
account of which individuals have undergone trial before 
the Supreme Court, at this j^lace. The earliest trial of 
this kind, of which we are able to obtain any account, 
occurred in the year 1811, before Judges Parker, Sewall, 
and Thatcher. 

At that time, a man by the name of Ebenezer Ball, who 
resided on Deer Island, was tried here, for the murder of 
John Tileston Dowues, a deputy sheriff, who was attempt- 
ing to arrest him, on the charge of passing counterfeit 
money. He was convicted, and sentenced to be hung. 
An attempt was made to obtain a pardon from the Execu- 
tive, but it was unsuccessful, and the sentence Avas carried 
into execution on Thursday, October 31st, 1811. [Judge 
Parker's Letter to Executive, Mass. Archives.] The gibbet 
was erected in the center of Fort George. A large con- 
course of citizens followed the criminal, when escorted 
from the jail to the place of execution, prominent among 
whom was " old Parson Fisher," of Bluehill, who dis- 
tributed to the crowd copies of a very j^athetic ballad 
written by himself, for the occasion. The following 
extracts constitute all of this poetry that we have been 
able to obtain : — 

"The day is come; the solemn hour draws near, 
When Oh! poor Ball, you quickly must appear 
Before your God and Judge. 

^ * ^ * at 

The peojile from all quarters come 
"With intent to si;e Ball hung. 


iVhen Hiounted on the gallows high, 
Jle 10 a friend did say : 
' Tray take my hudy when I'm dead, 
Ami safely it convey. 

Deer Isle : — I pray inter it there ; 
This is my last reiiuest. 
This, this is all 1 liiive to say; 
Oil, leave it there to rest !' 


Take warning, then, O iny dear friends, 
Let me atlvisc you all ; 
I'ray shun all vice, and do not die 
Like Ebenezer Bali." 


In the year 1817, [Williamson's History, Vol. I, p. 501,] 
an Indian, named Susup, was tried here, for the murder 
of Captain Knight, a bar-keeper at Bangor. This murder 
was committed under extreme provocation, and much s}^!!- 
pathy was felt for Susup. Judge Mellen, then in the 
height of his popularity, defended the prisoner. Judge 
Mellen appeared on this occasion in the full court dress of 
that period, and gave undoubted indications of his inten- 
tion to secure the acquittal of his client, if possible. 
Sometime in the course of the trial, he arose, and informed 
the Court that Governor Neptune, of the Penobscot tribe 
of Indians, was present, and desired to be heard. The 
consent of the Court being obtained, Neptune arose, with 
great dignity, and standing for a moment with head bowed, 
but with body erect, with great solemnity commenced the 
following plea — unsurpassed in eloquence by any of the 
speeches imputed to the famous Logan : — 

" One God make us all ! He make white man, and he 
make Indian. He make some white man good, and some 
Indian good. He make some white man bad, and some 
Indian bad. But one God make us all. 

You know your people do my Indians great deal wrong. 
They abuse them very much— yes, they murder them — 
then they walk right off; nobody touches them. This 
makes my heart burn. Well then, my Indians say, ' We 
will go kill your very bad and wicked men.' ' No,' I tell 
'em ; ' never do that thing ; we are brothers.' Some time 
ago, a very bad man about Boston shot an Indian dead. 
Your people said surely he should die ; but it was not so. 
In the great prison-house he eats and lives to this day. 
Certainly he never dies for killing Indian. My brothers 
say, ' Let that bloody man go free — Peol Susup, too.' 
So we wish. Hope fills the hearts of us all. Peace is 
good. These, my Indians, love it well. They smile under 
its shade. The white man and the red man must be 
always friends. The Great Spirit is our Father. I speak 
what I feel." 

This appeal to the jury was so far successful that Susup 
was only sentenced to one year's imprisonment, and to be 
bound over in the sum of five hundred dollars, to keep 
the peace for two years. John Neptune, and other Indians, 
were his sureties. Susup's wife and four or five children, 
a large number of his own tribe, besides several St. Johns 
and Passamaquoddy Indians, attended this trial. 



About this time, though possibly two or three years 
later, Doctor Moses Adams, of Ellsworth, previously a 
practicing physician in this town, was tried here, before 
Judge Mellen, for the murder of his wife. The latter was 
found dead in the house, her throat having been cut by 
an axe. Suspicion fell upon the doctor, because he was 
seen, shortly after the time when the deed was supposed 
to have been committed, on a road some distance l)ack of 
the house, walking rapidly, and occasionally turning 
around and looking towards the house, as if to see whether 
he was pursued. Judge Mellen, however, in his charge to 
the jury, called attention to the fact that the day was 
oppressively warm, the doctor a fast walker, and that 
nothing was more natural than for him to turn around 
occasionally, to obtain the benefit of what little breeze 
might be blowing from that direction. The prisoner was 
acquitted, for want of sufficient evidence. 

On February 3, 1825, one Seth Elliott, of the town of 
Knox, in Waldo Co., was hung here for the murder of his 
child, whom he killed in a fit of intoxication. The gallows 
was erected in the same spot where that used in the execu- 
tion of Ball, was placed. The particulars of the trial we have 
been unable to obtain, but Doctor Joseph L. Stevens, who 
was, at the time, the physician appoited to attend the 
prisoners of the County, informs us that Elliott was con- 
fined in the jail for one year previous to his execution, and 
that during this time he twice attempted suicide. The 
second time he succeeded in cutting his throat to such an 
extent as completely to sever the trachea. The wound was 
however, closed by the doctor, and his life prolonged to the 
appointed time. The night preceding his execution, the 
doctor called to bid him farewell. He had just shaken 
hands with him, and started to leave, when the prisoner 
recalled him, and inquired from whom he expected payment 
for his services. " My dear sir," remarked the astonished 
doctor, " why do you think of this at such a time ! I pre- 
sume the bill will be paid l)y the County." The prisoner 
then informed him that hesliould leave some property, and 
that he was sure his family would see him i-emunerated, 
adding : " The County ought to pay it. It is hard for a man 
to be imprisoned and then hung, and be obliged to pay his 
doctor's bill for the time, too." It was the duty of the 
doctor to be present at his execution, and to determine the 
fact of his death. It was currently reported at the time — 


much to the amusement of the good doctor — that the body, 
after being cut down, was removed to his office, where it 
was resuscitated by him. 

The hitest trial of this kind was that of a Mrs. Keefe, 
who was tried for poisoning her husband. We have been 
unable to obtain any particulars whatever, in regard to this 
case, except the mere fact that she was acquitted for lack of 


In the cemetery of the town, are to be found some graves 
of quite old date, though very few of them contain upon 
their head-stones any epitaphs of peculiar interest. We 
insert, however, two or three of the most noteworthy. 
Tlie first occupant, a British officer named Charles Steward, 
was interred in 1783. He is said to have killed himself 
with his own sword, on account of his mortification at 
being put under arrest by his commanding officer, for having 
sent a challenge to another officer with whom he had 
recently quarrelled. In 1849, the following tablet was 
erected to his memory, chiefly through the exertions of the 
late Mr. William Witherle and Doctor Josex^h L. Stevens: 

In memory of 

The earliest occupant of 

This Mansion of the 

Dead, a native of Scotland, 

& 1st Lieut. Comm. of his 

B. M. 74th Regt. of foot, 

or Argyle Highlanders, 

Who died in this town while 

it was in possession 

of the Enemy, 

March, A. D. 1783, 

and was interred beneath 

this stone. JEt. about 40 3^rs. 

This Tablet was inserted 

A. D. 1849. 


Captain Skinner's tombstone reads as follows: — 

Died Ang. 11, 1837, 
Aged 72 years. 
He chose the post of duty in which he could do most 
good; and filled a long life with skill, fidelity and useful- 
ness. The first to sail a Packet between this and the oppo- 
site shore, he daily risked his health and life for the safety 
of others. Honest without pretension, and firm without 
rashness ; he was known through the State for his civility 
as well as care ; for the good fortune with which, in his 
well managed boat, he thirty thousand times l)raved the 
perils of our Bay, and for the admirable union of the frank- 
ness of a sailor, with the constanc}^ and method of a man 
of business." 

The epitaph on Doctor Mann's tombstone is very expres- 
sive. It is as follows : — 

"Thousands of journeys, night and day, 
I've travelled weary on my v/ay 

To heal the sick. 
But nozv I'm on a journey never to return." 

Anecdotes and Traditions. 

To relieve the minds of our readers from the serious 
mood likel}" to be engendered by a perusal of the foregoing, 
we will bring this chapter to a close by the narration of 
some traditional accounts of a somewhat different nature. 

There is a tradition extant, that for some time subse- 
quently to the siege of the town, Mr. Joseph Perkins lived 
in a small house which stood on the site of the store occu- 
pied, at present, by Tilden & Co. In the cellar of his 
house was an old-fashioned stone oven, in which, once a 
week, it was customary to do the baking. Mrs. Perkins 
had an Indian woman for a servant. This woman had an 
infant which she was accustomed every afternoon, after 
getting it to sleep, to put away in this oven. One day, 
after thus stowing the bal)y away, she left the house. INIrs. 
Perkins — knowing nothing about this habit of the woman — 
concluded to bake upon that afternoon, and accordingly 
built a fire under the oven. Of course there was soon on 
hand a sufficient supply of roast i^appoose ! The cellar has 
ever since had the reputation of being luuinted. 


During" the occupation of the town by the British (in 
1814 — 15), a semi-fatuous individual by the name of Hate- 
evil Corson — ^popularly known as Haty Co'sn — called one 
day at head-quarters, and asked permission to see General 
Gosselin. On being shown into this officer's presence, the 
following colloquy occurred: — 

Corson. "Are you General Gosselin ?'* 

The General. "Yes, I am." 

Cor»on. "Damn the goose that hatched you, then !" His 
business thus concluded, he left the irate presence at once. 

This same individual called one cold winter's day at the 
house of Mr. John Perkins. After standing awhile before 
the kitchen fire, he, much to the astonishment of those 
present, deliberately divested himself of his shirt, and going 
out of doors, proceeded to bury it in the snow. After 
leaving it there some ten or twelve minutes, he went out 
and brought it in, and going to the fire-place, held it just 
far enough above the flames to prevent its catching afire. 
On being interrogated as to what he meant by such 
actions, he replied : — "I've always heard that sudden heat 
and sudden cold would kill the devil, and I want to see if 
it won't kill these — " 

He was the same " crazy vagabond" who, at Bangor, one 
Sunday in church, 

"To wake the dozing worshipers. 

Conceived a novel notion, 
And, possibly, their appetites 

He thought to re-awaken. 
So laid upon the burning stove 

Some sausages aud bacou,'* 

beooks^t:lle and penobscot. Ill 



Early Catholic Missionaries. — First Protestant 
Minister. — Itinerant Preachers. — Appropriation 
OF Money by Town. — Meeting-Houses Built. — 
Petition of Inhabitants of Cape Rozier. — Cost op 
THE Meeting-Houses in 1792. — Town Divided into 
Parishes. — Reverend Mr. Abbott Hired. — Rever- 
end Jonathan Powers called to First Parish. — 
His Letter of Acceptance. — His Ordination. — 
Records of the First Church of Penobscot. — 
First Parish of Castine. — Letter in regard to 
Minister's Lot. — Reverend Micah Stone called. — 
Reverend William Mason called. — His Letter 
of Acceptance. — First Congregational Church 
OF Castine. — Rules and Regulations for the 
Sexton. — First Trinitarian Church of Castine. — 
F'iRST Methodist Society of Castine. — First Bap- 
tist Society op Penobscot. — First Methodist 
Society op Penobscot. — First Baptist Society of 
Brooksville. — First Trinitarian Society of 
Brooksville. — First Methodist Society of Brooks- 

From an early period, the eastern region of the Penob- 
scot, and especially the peninsula of Castine, has been 
noted for its ecclesiastical record. The first Englisli Set- 
tlement was made by a company of Puritans, from the 
colony so celebrated in the annals of New England. 

As early as 1611, a French missionary — Father Biard — 
is mentioned as having been here, [Relations des Jesuites.] 
and two years later, other missionaries were sent liere. 
[Geographical Hist, of Nova Scotia, p. 53.] During the 
occupation of the place by the French under Auliiev, in 
the year 1618, a Capuchin priest, by the name of Friar 
Leo, erected a chapel here, which was probably the same 
edifice referred to in the Deed of Surrender of Fort Pcuta- 


goet, in Part III. During the residence of the Baron de 
8t. Castin, there were several Catholic priests here. 
Amongst others, Messrs. Chamboult, Guay — who is said 
to have been "a good priest, and an npright man" — 
Gaulin, Masse, Thuray and Bigot. [Murdock's Acadie — 
also Letter from Monsieur de Bronillan to the Minister, in 
Part III.] Williamson remarks that " no other place in 
til is eastern region was so much the resort of Catholic 
Missionaries, as the fortress of D' Aulney." 

In the year 1T61 — one year previous to the Act of the 
General Court making a grant to proprietors of Plantation 
Number Three — the Reverend Isaac Case is reported as 
having removed hither from Thomaston. [Eaton's Thora- 
aston, etc.. Vol. 2d, under Letter C] If this account is 
correct, he was, probably, the first Protestant minister 
ever at this place, and there must, of course, have been 
some settlers here, at that time. I )uring the occupation by 
the British at the time of the Revolution, the only religious 
services known to have been held here were conducted by 
John Calef, M. D. — the Chaplain of the English garrison. 
From that time until after the date of Incorporation, all 
r^iligious services in this vicinity were conducted by itin- 
erant preachers. 

The earliest action of the town of Penobscot, having 
any reference to the establishment of regular religious 
services, was in the year 1789. At the March meeting of 
this year, the town voted, that " the sum of three hundred 
pounds be raised, for the building a meeting-house, for 
the public worship of God." At a meeting of the town, 
held the April following, it was voted to have the meeting- 
house sixty-five feet long, and fifty wide. Captain Daniel 
Wardwell, Giles Johnson, Oliver Parker, John Willson, 
and John Wasson, were chosen as a Building Committee 
and as Trustees. About this time, certain individuals liv- 
ing upon the peninsula, desirous of having preaching at a 
more convenient place for themselves than where the 
meeting-house above referred to was located — at the Nar- 
rows — started a subscription paper for a meeting-house on 
the peninsula. This gave considerable offence, and the 
town, at its last mentioned meeting, passed the following 
Resolutions : — 

" Resolved, that the town pass a vote of their disappro- 
bation of a subscription for building a Meeting-house on 
the peninsula, which has been set on foot by certain per- 


sons merely for the advancement of their own private 
interests, with a view of drawing the inhabitants off to 
their measures, and without consulting the collective 
views of the town, for the accommodation of its inhabit- 
ants at large. 

That the town deem the undue and immoral measures 
which have been adopted by the agents of this subscrip- 
tion, as an high insult offered to its inhabitants at large, 
and calculated to form a schism in their religious com- 
munion, and establish a party spirit. 

That the town will not, directly or indirectly, be con- 
cerned in or countenance the erecting of said building, or 
any person who shall officiate and preside in' said Meeting- 

That the town- will indemnify every subscriber who 
may have been misled to affix his name to the said Sub- 
scription, and who is disposed to be governed by the legal 
and orderly proceedings of the town, from paying any 
sum he may have subscribed. * 

That the town will deem as enemies to its peaceable 
and orderly government all such individuals who shall 
obstinately continue to adhere to the said Subscription for 
building an}'^ other Meeting-house than shall, by majority 
of the inhabitants in Town Meeting assembled, be resolved 
and selected, and will take every legal measure of proced- 
ure, with the law prescribed, against them. 

That the inhabitants of this town, in their elective 
capacities, were not capable of building but one Meeting- 
house, and giving support to one respectable clergyman. 

That the town appoint a Committee, and empower 
them effectually to take every legal measure against any 
person or individuals who may daringly attempt an inno- 
vation on their privileges, or take any measure to estab- 
lish a schism in their religious communion, and that they 
will defray the expenses thereof. 

That the Selectmen be a Committee, to proceed as the 
eleventh article prescribes in said resolve." 

The committee appointed to decide upon the land for a 
meeting-house, and to prescribe the lin)its of the same, 
reported : " that to convene tlie town, we think, according 
to our best judgment, tlie same ought to stand on land 
claimed by Mr. Joseph Jiinney and Mr. Webber, to con- 
vene the same with a suitable connuon, viz : on the north- 


ern side of State street, so called, fronting said street (six 
rods, running back twenty rods). The said owners agree 
to part with the said land, at a reasonable rate."* 

At a meeting of the town held September the first, of 
this same year, it was voted not to appropriate more 
money, but that the pews be sold, to raise money for 
building and finishing the meeting-house ; that Mr. Oliver 
Parker, Mr. Matthew Ritchie, and Mr. William Webber, 
be a committee to superintend the sale of the pews ; that 
the pews be put into three classes ; that the first class of 
pews be estimated at six pounds, the second at four 
pounds and ten shillings, and the third at three pounds ; 
that the purchasers of pews pay to the committee, cash or 
other materials, at a certain price, to be determined by 
said committee ; that the sale of pews commence on 
Thursday, October 8th, and that the committee post up 
notices of the time of sale. It was also voted at this 
meeting that the petition of the inhabitants of Cape 
Rozier, Buck's Harbor, etc., be accepted. This petition 
"was as follows : — 

" To the Selectmen of the Town of Penobscot. 

We, the subscribers, inhabitants of Cape Rozier and 
Buck's Harbor, and others on the southerly side of the 
river — who may become subscribers in six months from this 
date, in that quarter of the town — qualified to vote in town- 
meeting, request of you, gentlemen, to insert an article in 
your warrant for a Town-meeting, fully to comprehend this 
our declaration, with the Proviso which hereafter folio weth. 
We declare ourselves free and willing to aid and assist the 
town in building a meeting-house for the Public Worship 
of God, on the place and in the way and manner that the 
town has heretofore determined by vote and on record. 
That our persons and property are free to be taxed in a full 
proportion to defray the charges thereof, — as also to settle 
and support a minister whenever the town shall think 
proper so to do — provided the town shall pass a vote, and 
the same be recorded, that we are at any time and at all 
times free to petition the General Court to be set off by 
ourselves or to be connected with a part of the town of 
Sedgwick ; that this town will not directly or indirectly be 
any let or hindrance thereto ; also, that when we shall 

*Thc frame of this meeting-house was first erected on tlic risin"; ground 
baclc of where Mr. Joshua Emerson now lives. According to the town 
records, it must have been subsequently moved a short distance. 


obtain a Bill of Incorporation, either as a town or a district, 
that the town of Penobscot do hold and oblige themselves 
ready and willing to refund back to us, the subscribers, all 
the money that we may be taxed for, or that shall really 
be paid to the Treasurer, for the building and finishing said 
Meeting-house, and our proportion of the minister's settle- 
ment, if any is given, — improvement thereof first deducted. 
When the subject matters shall be laid before the town we 
[will] submit to any reasonable amendment that may 
then appear necessary between party and party." 

This petition was signed by David Hawes, Samuel Was- 
son, Elisha Hopkins, Noah Norton, Thomas Kench, Ben- 
jamin Howard, John Bakeman, Jr,, Thomas Wasson, John 
Wasson, John Condon, Edward Howard, Malachi Orcutt, 
Jacob Orcutt, John Redman, and John Bakeman. 

In the year 1790, deeds of the land upon which the 
meeting-house was erected, were obtained from Joseph 
Binney and William Webber. In 1791, the town refused 
to make any further appropriation for the finishing of the 

In the year 1792, the town voted that the sum of thirty 
pounds, lawful money, be appropriated to hire preaching 
for that year, and that Messrs. Oliver Parker, Matthew 
Ritchie, and Pelatiah Leach, be a committee to engage a 
suitable person to preach, and to decide upon the place 
where the preaching should be held. It was also voted 
that the town should not be divided into parishes. A vote 
was also passed this year to make the meeting-house which 
had been built upon the peninsula, (notwithstanding the 
disapproval of the town in its corporate capacity) the 
property of the town, by paying — or allowing — the bills 
against the same. Messrs. David Hawes, Captain Joseph 
Perkins, Oliver Parker, William Webber, and Pelatiah 
Leach, were appointed a committee to examine the said 
bills. Another committee was also chosen to provide the 
material for furnishing the meeting-house at Webber's, and 
also to procure a minister. The cost, at this time, of the 
church at Webber's, amounted to the sum of £205 3s. 2d., 
and of the one on the peninsula to X871 10s. 2d. 

In the year 1793, the town received from Captain John 
Perkins, a deed of the land on which the meeting-house 
on the peninsula stands. The town at first voted not to 
raise any money this year for preaching, l)ut afterwards 
made an appropriation of thirty pounds. The exact time 


when the town was divided into parishes, cannot be cer- 
tainly determined, owing to the loss of several pages of the 
early records. It was probably, however, about this time, 
as the town voted this year that the preaching be held one- 
half the time on the peninsula, and one-half the time at the 
first narrows. The First Parish included all of the present 
town of Penobscot and that portion of North Castine, 
north of the present residence of Captain Joseph Wescott. 
The remainder of the old town of Penobscot, formed the 
Second Parish. At this same meeting, it was voted to 
hire Reverend Mr. Abbott, for three months after his then 
engagement was ended. At a meeting held some time sub- 
sequently, the town voted to pay him fifteen pounds extra, 
if he chose to preach for a longer time than the committee 
had engaged him for. 

At the annual meeting in 1794, the town voted an appro- 
priation of thirty pounds for the support of preaching. 
At a meeting of the First Parish, held in September follow- 
ing, it was voted to engage Mr. Jonathan Powers to preach, 
and a committee of seven were appointed to wait upon him 
with an invitation. 

In April, 1795, the town voted to give Reverend Mr. 
Powers eighty pounds annually, and when he should be 
settled as minister over the First Parish, to give him X150 
for a settlement. In response to the call of the First Parish, 
Mr. Powers wrote the following letter of acceptance to the 
Clerk of the parish, and requested to have it recorded. 

" Sensible of my own insufficiency and unworthiness to 
be an embassador of Christ, and also of my absolute need 
of Divine strength and grace, which I hope has been 
measurably granted me, and now renouncing self-depend- 
ence and looking to God and relying upon Christ for all 
ministerial gifts and graces, I freely accept the invitation 
and call given me by the First Parish in this town, to settle 
with them as their Gospel Minister, by taking the oversight 
of them in the Lord. Which call of the parish is agreeable 
to the votes passed on several days, and upon March second 
on which they voted the call, second, upon March twenty- 
third, on which they voted to give me one hundred and 
fifty pounds for a settlement, and third, upon April six- 
teenth, on which they voted to give me eighty pounds for 
a yearly salary. 


(Dated) Penobscot, June 17th, 1796." 


At a parisli meeting held July 13th, 1796, it was decided 
to have the ordination on the last Thursday of August, 
and that Reverend Peter Powers, Mr. Merrill, and Mr. 
Emerson, of Georgetown ; Eaton, of Harpswell ; Gilman, 
and Anderson, of ^N'orth Yarmouth, be the Ordaining 
Council. The sum of ten pounds was appropriated to 
defray the exj^enses of the Council. The parish also voted 
to allow Mr. Powers four Sabbaths in each year, in which 
to visit his friends, and preach to the poor. 

First CoNOREaATioNAL Church op Pexobscot. 

On the seventeenth of the previous June, an Ecclesiasti- 
cal Council having been called for that purpose, a Congre- 
gational Church was organized, consisting of fifteen mem- 
bers, a sermon being preached by Reverend Peter Powers. 
A Confession of Faith, and Covenant, drawn up by the pas- 
tor elect, were adopted by the church. These articles are 
remarkable for their number and fulness, and were sharply 
Calvinistic. The names of the original church members 
were as follows : — Caleb Merrill, David Hawes, John Was- 
son, Samuel Wasson, Thomas Wasson, Jeremiah Stover, 
Sarah Parker, Rebecca Hawes, Elizabeth Wasson, Mary 
Wasson, Mary Blake, Olive Stover, Sarah Bowden, Eliza- 
beth Bridges, Olive Basteen. 

A church having been organized, and Mr. Powers hav- 
ing accepted the call of the parish, a meeting was held to 
take measures for his ordination. At this meeting, an 
active opposition was made to the ordination of Mr. 
Powers, based on objections to the Articles of Faith 
adopted by the church. The final vote, in favor of ordain- 
ing, was carried by thirty-six against sixteen. 

Mr. Powers was ordained and installed August 26th, 
1795. Reverend Ezekiel Emerson, of Georgetown, preached 
the sermon. Notwithstanding the opposition to his ordi- 
nation, the attendance on the ministry of Mr. Powers was 
general, including those who liad been active in opposi- 
tion, until the endeavor was made to tax the parish for his 
support — his " settlement " of one hundred pounds, and 
his salary of fifty pounds, afterwards increased to eighty, 
having previously been raised by subscription.* 

*So say tlifi cliiirch rccort|s. It js a mattor of fact, tliouj^li, tliat the town 
did, a portion of tliis tjiao, vote an uiiproiiriatiou of money "for tlie support 
of i)reacliinf;." Tliere is no evidence, iiowever, in tlie town records, tiiat 
tliis money was paid to Mr. Powers, and tljere is gome degree of uucertaiuty 
in regard to tlie matter. 



The vote to raise the tax was carried, also a vote recog'- 
nizing Mr. Powers as the " town minister," — which 
entitled him to the lot of land appropriated to the first 
settled minister. It proved that " a tax was more dreaded 
than the preacher's sentiments, thongh he used often to be 
faulted for his distinguishing doctrines." The opposition 
to a town tax for the support of Mr. Powers became so 
extensive, that this action of the town was reconsidered 
and reversed in May, 1799. The supporters of Mr. Powers 
were incorporated into a Parish in 1801, and in the same 
year, a new house of worship Avas erected in North Castine, 
near the present store where the road branches to the east, 
leading to the Head of the Bay. 

Among the items of interest in the church records, is 
the following. In 1798, "a difficulty arose by reason that 
several had made profession and joined the church, who 
had previously been guilty of the sin of" — humoral prac- 
tices, the church generally not knowing the facts, and the 
individuals " did not know that the church required a con- 
fession. But upon trial, it appeared to be the minds of 
almost all, that a confession should be made for that and 
other scandalous offences." Accordingly, three comphed 
with the condition, and three of the others were finally, 
in 1800, excommunicated, for refusing to make public con- 
fession of sin committed before uniting ivith the church. 

"The members of the church and society were generally 
separated at a great distance, both by land and water," 
coming largely from the present townships of Penobscot 
and Brooksville. They had difficulty in raising the salary 
and sustaining the ordinances of the gospel. A council, 
called for that purpose, advised the dismission of Mr. 
Powers, but the people were unwilling to part with him. 
He continued with them till 1804, after which his time 
seems to have been largely spent away in missionary 
labors. In 1807, he returned home, sick from his expos- 
ures and labors, and died November 8th, of the same 
year, aged forty-five years. A sermon, delivered at his 
funeral, and an elegy by Reverend Jonathan Fisher, of 
Bluehill, were printed at Buckstown. 

" Seiz'd with a cold, when laboring in the cause 
Of Great Iminauuel, and his holy laws ; 
Opprest with fever, and consumption's force, 
The worthy POWERS has fulfilled his course. 


His charge not wealthy; conipeusation small 

Id earthly treasure; prest with many a call, 

Hard to be answered ; he prepares once more, 

Should counsel point an honorable door, 

To leave his charge — on Missionary ground, 

Appointed, enters ; quickly there is found 

By dire disease; returns enfeebled home. 

And waits the summons which must shortly come. 

* * * His mortal strength decays, 

His tongue no more his scattering thought obeys ; 
Death's chilly hand benumbs the vital tide, 
The pale dark shadows o'er his visage slide, 
With the last gasp the portals wide display, 
His soul, prepared, slips unobserved away. 
Meets her kind convoy, and with rapture "flies 
On speedy wing beneath the nether skies." 

The ministry of Mr. Powers, during his pastorate, was 
blessed with seasons of revival, and additions to the 
church — twenty in 1797, thirteen in 1803, and smaller 
numbers in the other years. 

On May 28th, 1809, Reverend Philip Spaulding com- 
menced his labors with the church, as a preacher of the 
gospel. October 4th, he was invited to be their pastor — 
which invitation he accepted November 20th. No notice 
of his ordination appears on the church records, Vjut 
the date is elsewhere given as November 22d, 1809, — 
which does not give the needed time between his accept- 
ance and the meeting of a council. Mr. Spaulding's pas- 
torate would seem to have been by no means peacefid. 
With one brief exception, in 1810, the' records of the 
church, kept by himself, treat of cases of church disci- 
pline, and of nothing else. On August 3d, 1813, ah 
Ecclesiastical Council met, to act on the question of dis- 
missing Mr. Spaulding. Among the reasons urged for his 
dismission, was one reflecting on his deportment, which 
had created dissatisfaction. He was dismissed August 
4th, of this year. 

There was no pastor of the church after this date, and 
the subsequent church meetings seem to have been held in 
Brooksville. The last items of record are the public excom- 
munication of three members, — the offence of one being 
*' the selling of bull beef," — and the dismission of three 
other members to the new Trinitarian Church, organized in 
Castine, July 2tjth, 1820 — three of the fifteen composing 
that church. Four other members of tlie Penobscot church 
afterwards united with the church in Castine — in all seven. 


These constitute a connecting link between the Firsfe 
Church, whose central point and place of meeting Avas in 
North Castine, and the present Trinitarian Oiurch. A 
portion of the remaining members of the First Church werer 
embraced in the Congregational Church at West Brooks- 
ville ; organized January 4th, 1826. The First Church, 
ceasing its organization as such, has become " two bands "" 
in two of the townships embraced originally in Penob&cot. 

First Congregational Church and Society of 


The Second Parish had no settled minister while it was a 
part of [the town of Penobscot, though Mr, Powers, Mr. 
Abbott, and some itinerant preachere oflBciated there a 
portion of the time. By the tenns of settlement agreed 
upon by the joint committee of the two towns of Penob- 
scot and Castine, the meeting-house on the peninsula 
became the property of the latter town, and was thereafter 
known as the meeting-honse of the First Parish of Castine. 
The lands included under the title of " minister's lot and 
lot for the ministry," were divided at this time. The fol- 
lowing letter from the agent of the proprietors of Planta- 
tion Number Three, states these lots at three hundred 
acres — which would give one hundred and fifty acres to- 
each town. 

" Castine, September 6th, 1797- 

Gentlemen, Selectmen of the 
Town of Castine : 

The Resolve of the General Court with respect to 
Township Number Three, commonly known as Majabig- 
waduce, makes it a condition that the proprietors of the 
said township shall reserve three hundred acres of land 
for the first settled minister in said township. As their 
agent, I inform you that the land allotted for that pur- 
pose is lot Number Twenty-nine, back of the G-ore lot, and 
lot Number One on Penobscot River, and so much of lot 
Number Fourteen as will make up the three hundred acres 
to be laid out contiguous to lot Number Twenty-nine. I 


do myself the pleasure to give you this information, and 
shall also send a similar letter to the Selectmen of Penob- 
scot, and I think it will not be amiss to have this letter 
put upon your town records. 

I am, Gentlemen, 

Your very humble Servant, 


Reverend Micah Stone is believed to have preached 
here at the time of the incorporation of the town, and in 
September, 1796, the town gave him a call, and voted him 
a salary of four hundred dollars, and a " settlement " of 
eight hundred dollars. The call was not accepted by him, 
and, accordingly, in the year 1798, an invitation was 
extended to Reverend William Mason, to become pastor of 
the town, at a salary of three hundred and fifty dollars per 
annum, for three years. He also received eight hundred 
dollars upon his settlement over the town. At the same 
time, Barnabas Higgins was elected sexton. The follow- 
ing is Mr. Mason's letter of acceptance : — • 

*' Castike, August 13th, 1798. 

To the Committee of the Congregational Society of 
Castine:— Gentlemen : 

Impressed with a sense of the importance of Christianity, 
and the high degree of responsibility there is attached to 
the ministerial office, I have considered your invitation to 
settle with you as a religious instructor. It has been my 
endeavor to weigh every circumstance connected with the 
invitation, with candor and impartiality, and should I here- 
after find cause to lament my determination, I think it 
will not be attended with those painful reflections which 
naturally result from want of deliberation. I am sensible 
there are many common difficulties attending the work of 
the gospel ministry ; but I confess, many of them are 
removed by your declared willingness to give a liberal 
support to a gospel minister, and specially by your una- 
nimity in calling for your pastor ; for it has ever been my 
determination never to continue in a society where my 
pul)lic performances would be obnoxious to a respectable 
number. This I should not consider duty, as I could not 
be useful, and I think duty and usefulness are generally 


connected. After all, there are difficulties ; but I do not 
expect to be free from them while in this vale of tears ; 
they are the lot of humanity. Trusting in God, the doc- 
trines of whose Gospel I have endeavored, and shall still 
endeavor, to preach, — that he will afford me his assistance 
and protection, — I have concluded to accept your invita- 
tion to settle with you as a gospel minister, and do at this 
time inform you of my acceptance ; — with this proviso : 
that a reasonable time annually be reserved for visiting my 
friends. I do not mention any particular time, because, 
on account of the passing being chiefly by water, it is 
uncertain what time would be necessary to pass and 
repass ; probabl}^, however, I should not wish, in general, 
to spend more than two Sabbaths with my friends. Wish- 
ing for your temporal, but particularly for your spiritual 
prosperity ; that j^ou may be endued with the Christian 
graces, and be built up in the holy faith of the gospel of 
Jesus Christ, I subscribe myself your Christian friend, 


From the old records of the First Parish, which we have 
been fortunate in obtaining, we give such extracts as will 
be likely to be of general interest. The records commence 
with the church covenant — which is short, and does not 
differ much from those now in use in many churches. 
The following are the names of the original signers to this 
covenant: — Honorable Oliver Parker, Captain John Per- 
kins, Captain Mark Hatch, Captain Joseph Perkins, Mr. 
Barnabas Higgins, Captain Stover Perkins, Mr. Benjamin 
Lunt, Mr. David Willson, Mr. Moses Gay, Mr. Abraham 
Perkins, widow Martha Perkins, Phebe Perkins, (1st), 
Abigail Hatch, Phebe Perkins, (2d), Lydia Perkins, 
Esther Lunt, Miriam Willson. 

Agreeably to the vote of the town, an Ecclesiastical Coun- 
cil, composed of Reverend Messrs. Alden Bradford, of 
Wiscasset ; Jonathan Huss, of Warren ; and Daniel 
Stone, of Augusta ; with delegates, convened on the 
ninth of October, 1798. The next day, the church was 
formed, and, the necessary business being attended to. 
Reverend William Mason was ordained as the first minister 
in Castine. The first meeting of the church was held 
October 24th, and it was voted that the pastor be the per- 
manent Moderator of the church. Honorable Oliver Par- 


ker and Captain Mark Hatch were unanimously elected 
deacons. In regard to the admission of members to the 
church, it was voted that the names of persons proposing 
to join should be, under ordinary circumstances, proposed 
two Sabbaths previously. It was also voted : " that we 
will baptize the children of those who live regular lives, 
though, through a sense of unworthiness, they may not 
come to the communion." At this meeting. Captain Mark 
Hatch was requested to procure suitable " vessels " for the 
use of the church. 

At a church meeting held March 12th, 1799, it was 
agreed that the first communion be held on the second 
Sunday of April ensuing, and that the sacrament be after- 
wards administered on the second Sunday of every other 
month. A lecture was to be given the Thursday preced- 
ing the sacrament, at two o'clock in the afternoon. 

A church meeting was held November 14th, 1799, for 
the purpose of choosing a deacon in the place of Oliver 
Parker, who declined service. 

" After addressing the throne of grace, proceeded to a 
choice, and Mr. David Willson was unanimously chosen. 
After disagreeing on several subjects, not suitable for 
record, adjourned." 

On August 17th,' 1800, the pastor and two delegates 
attended the ordination of Reverend James Boyd, of Ban- 
gor. In December of this year, it was voted to dispense 
with the communion service until the following April, 
" on account of the great inconvenience of attending from 
the general inclemency of the winter season." 

On October 8th, 1801, a church meeting was held, to 
attend to some difficulty between Oliver Parker, Esq., and 
some of the other members of the church. Mr. Parker's 
complaint was, that several of the members of the church 
had signed a petition, preferred to the General Court, for 
the removal from office of the justices of the Court of 
Common Pleas and General Sessions — of which he was 
one. The charges were: — 

1. That they had " neglected to cause records of the 
proceedings of said Court to be kept, as the law requires, 
whereby the property of the good citizens of said County 
is insecure and precarious." 

2. That they had permitted an action, in which 
neither plaintiff nor defendant were citizens of the State, 
" to be entered in said Court, the writ not having been 


proved according to law, and had rendered judgment on 
said action, for a large sum, contrary to law." 

3. That they had, " after a conviction of theft, in said 
Court, rendered judgment that said convict should be dis- 
charged, without inflicting the punishment which the law 
in such cases directs." 

4. That they had " defrauded the said County by 
making out and laying fraudulent estimates before the Leg- 
islature, by which many large sums have been obtained to 
be granted, as for the necessary charges of the County, 
when in fact, such sums were not wanted for the uses stated 
in such estimates, and had not been applied for the purposes 
thei'ein set forth." 

5. That they had " applied the mone}^ assessed upon 
and paid by the citizens of said County, to the payment of 
illegal charges of officers, judicial and executive, in said 
County, and to other uses not authorized by law." 

6. That they had " taken and receiv-ed from the 
County Treasurer, and applied to their own private use, 
large sums of money, to which by law they had no right." 

This petition was signed by nearly all the prominent 
men of the town, including most of the church members. 

After hearing the complaint of Mr. Parker, the meeting 
adjourned to Thursday, the 29th inst. Upon that day, 
the subject was again brought before the members of 
the church, and, " after much discourse, by which a recon- 
ciliation was so far effected, though the business was not 
fully settled," it was agreed to take no action unless Mr. 
Parker should again urge the matter. For a period of 
twelve years, nothing of any importance occurred in con- 
nection with this society, so far as the records show. In 
July, 1813, the pastor and two delegates attended an Eccle- 
siastical Council held in Penobscot, for the purpose of con- 
sidering the question of dissolving the connection between 
the pastor and church, in that town. In June, 1814, the 
pastor and Mr. Doty Little, attended an Ecclesiastical 
Council held at Camden, to decide in regard to the dismissal 
from the ministry, of Reverend Mr. Cochran. At a church 
meeting called September 15, 1828, in response to a request 
of Mr. Doty Little, who desired to transfer his connection 
to another church, it was voted : — " That the pastor be a 
committee to notify Mr. Little, that as his standing now 
was, his request could not consistently be granted." At a 
subsequent meeting, held September the 18th, a letter 


was presented by Mr. Little, himself, wliicli was of such a 
character " as to fully satisfy the church," and his request 
for a transfer was granted. Upon May 5, 1833, the records 
of the church had the following entry made in them : — 
*' This day the sacrament of the Lord's Supper was admin- 
istered, and Mr. Moses Gay officiated as deacon, filling the 
place which, for thirty-three years, had been filled by Dea- 
con David Willson, who departed this life April 29th, last 
passed." The early records of this church are not contin- 
ued after July 28th, of this year. 

During the thirty -five years over which these records 
extend, there were baptized one hundred and ninety-four 
persons, of whom one hundred and eleven were males and 
eighty-three females. The baptisms included all ages. 
During this time there were two hundred and sixty mar- 
riages solemnized here by Reverend Mr. Mason. The fol- 
lowing are the names of the members who joined the church 
after its organization : — 

Thomas E. Hale, Jacob Orcutt, Doty Little, John Darby, 
Jonathan Hatch, William Abbott, David Coffin, Mary 
Perkins, Hannah Fay, Agatha Hale, Mercy Little, Lucy 
Mann, Elisabeth Judkins, Abigail Mason, Rebecca Abbott, 
widow Mary Crawford, Susan D. Shaw, Phebe Gay, and 
Temperance Johnston. 

Reverend Mr. Mason dissolved his connection with the 
First Parish, in 1834. He preached his farewell sermon on 
Sunday afternoon, April 27th. His text was from 2d Cor. 
13, yil : — " Now I do pray to God that ye do no evil ; not 
that we should appear approved, but that ye should do that 
which is honest, though we be as reprobates." 

He was succeeded by Reverend Samuel Devens, who 
preached his first sermon, June 8, 1834, taking for his text, 
Psalm 107, v. 8. Mr. Devens, was followed by Reverend 
William D. Wiswell, who first preached here December 24, 
1835. In February, 1838, Reverend John B. Wight, was 
pastor. He was the last settled preacher to the old society, 
though Mr. Wiswell preached here, occasionally, subse- 
quently to this time, — alternating between this place and 

The First Parish, after this time, had no worship in 
town, until the year 18G7, when, by the exertions of the 
Maine State Missionary of the American Unitarian Associa- 
tion, the religious society was revived, and in the year 
1868, Reverend George F, Clark was settled as the minis- 



ter over it. He was succeeded in 1870, by Reverend 
Henry L. Myrick, who resigned his charge in 1873. The 
society still exists in a prosperous condition, under the 
pastoral care of Reverend John W. Winkley. 

As the First Parish was, at the time of the incorpora- 
tion of the town, the only parish in Castine, the duties of 
the sexton were prescribed by the town. The town agreed 
to pay him twenty-five dollais annually, and he was to 
receive by subscription thirty- five dollars. The following 
were the 

Rules and Regulations for the Sexton. 

"1. TheMeeting-House shall be kept clean by sweeping 
the floors, dusting the seats, and sweeping down the cob- 
webs and dust from the windows. 

2. The Sexton shall see that the door is shut when 
necessary, and take care that the dogs make no disturb- 

3. When any child is to be baptized, he shall see that 
water is prepared. 

4. He shall ring the bell every Sunday morning at 
nine o'clock and half-past ten — =the second bell to be tolled 
till the minister gets into meeting. He shall also ring the 
bell on Fast, Thanksgiving, Lecture, and Town Meeting 
days, at the hours usual on such days. 

5. He shall attend to the customary business of sex- 
tons at funerals, for which he is to be paid a reasonable 
sum by the persons who employ him. 

6. He is to ring the bell every day in the week, (except 
Sunday,) at one o'clock p. m., and at nine o'clock in the 

The meeting-house was not completed for many years 
after its occupation, and was not warmed in winter until 
the year 1817. It would be interesting to know the total 
amount expended upon this building up. to the present 
time ; but the accounts are imperfect, and some of them 
missing, so that it is impossible to tell with any exactness. 

Second Congregational, or First Trinitarian 

The Trinitarian Church was organized, by an Ecclesias- 
tical Council called for that purpose, July 26th, 1820. 
The Council was called by Thomas Adams, Thomas E. 

♦This sketch, and that of the P"'irst Church of Penobscot, were fyrnislie4 
by Reverend Alfred E. Ives, of this town. 


Hale, and Bradford Harlow, " to form them and others in 
the place into a church, should they see fit," and met first, 
for that purpose, on July the fourth. These individuals 
had united^ the year before, with the church in Bluehill.* 
The Council, after duly considering the ^communications 
laid before them, and learning the general state of things, 
invited Reverend Mr. Mason, and others of his church, to 
«, conference, with reference to some arrangement that 
should be satisfactory, by which the}' could " unite in one 
body for religious Avorship, and the enjoyment of Christian 
ordinances." The invitation was accepted ; there was a 
free and friendly conference, " it being agreed on all 
hands that a union was exceedingl}' desirable." On a 
comparison of views, however, the parties were found to 
differ so materially, that the Council " could not see it 
expedient to advise a union ; " but not wishing to be 
hasty, and " to give time for the removal, if possiVjle, of 
existing difficulties," they adjourned to July the twenty- 
sixth. The condition of things remaining unchanged, the 
church was organized upon that day.f 

Tlie three individuals calling the Council, three belong- 
ing to the old First Church in Penobscot, and nine others 
— fifteen in all — constituted the church, as first organized, 
namely : — Mark Hatch, Thomas E. Hale, Thomas Adams, 
Bradford Harlow, Amos Bowden, Avis Hatch, Cynthia 
Holbrook, Jane Adams, Nancy Fuller, Mary W. Foster, 
Abigail Hatch, Eunice Parker, Phebe P. Stevens, Rebecca 
Fickey, and Lois Myrick. Four others fi'om the Penob- 
scot church afterwards united with this — these seven 
forming a bond of connection with the church whose 
house of worship, and a part of whose membership, were 
in the present limits of Castine. 

*In a printed pamphli!!, entitled " Correspondence between the Committee 
of the Trinitarian Society and tlie Committee of the First Societv in (Jastine, 
on the subject of a union of said So(!ieties, &c.," it is stated [p. 23, J that 
these individuals were members of Mr. Mason's Society. Tliis was true ; 
but only one (Mr. Hale,) was a niembc^r of liis church. Mr. Hale received no 
dismissal from the church of the First Society, and consequently his beinj; 
received into the church at Bluehill, caused, at that time, considerable ani- 
madversion. At the i»res(;nt time — when the Hues of division are so widely 
drawn — nothing would be thought of it. 

tit is proper to state, in this connec^tion, that Reverend ]Mr. Mason, and the 
members of his church, objected stronj^ly to what they considered the irrc<i- 
ularity of these proceedings, and elaiml'd that the Council had no jurisdic- 
tion. No objection was ever made against the moral character of Mr. Mason, 
or of any nn^mber of his church; and the formation of the new Society was 
made solely on account of the different views entertained in regard to certain 
matters of Faith — chiefly "respecting the doctrine of the Trinity and the 
doctrine of Election." 


For eight years after its orG^anization, the church had no 
settled pastor. On May 12th, 1828, Mr. John Crosby, of 
Andover Seminary, was invited to become their minister 
with a saLary of six hundred dolhirs, and, in addition, a 
" settlement" of one hundred and fifty dollars. Mr, 
Crosby accepted the invitation, and was ordained and, 
installed on June 11th, of the same year. The ordination 
sermon was by Reverend Mighill Blood, of Bucks port 
The church at this time consisted of thirty members. 

About two years after his ordination, his health failing", 
Mr. Crosby was obliged to be absent, most of the time, till 
February 26, 1832, when he sent in his resignation. He 
was dismissed by Council, on May 3d, of the same year. 
He afterwards visited the West Indies, for his health, and 
died at Barbadoes, May 26, 1833, aged thirty years. 

On the twenty-third of May, 1832, an invitation to 
become their pastor, was extended to Reverend Wooster 
Parker, of Bangor Seminary, with a salary of five hundred 
dollars. Mr. Parker accepted the invitation, and was 
ordained and installed September 20, 1832, Reverend 
Doctor Pond, of Bangor Theological Seminary, preaching 
the sermon. Mr. Parker continued here for about three 
and a half years, when, at his own request, he was dismissed, 
January 18, 1836. During the pastorate of Mr. Parker, 
forty-one were received into the church, — thirty-two by 
profession. The whole membership at this time, was about 
forty -five. 

On the twenty-fourth of May, 1837, Reverend Baruch 
B. Beckwith, was installed as pastor, the sermon on the 
occasion being preached by Reverend Mighill Blood, of 
Bucksport. Mr. Beckwith received a salary of six hundred 
dollars. After laboring with the church for about five 
years, the ill health of his wife making a change of climate 
desirable, Mr. Beckwith asked for a dismission. His pas- 
toral labors ceased, June 20, 1842. His formal dismission 
occurred February 13, 1844. During Mr. Beckwith's pas- 
torate, thirty-eight were admitted to the church, thirty on 
profession of faith. Mr. Beckwith, after leaving Castine, 
became pastor of the church in Gouverneur, N. Y., retain- 
ing his pastoral charge there, till a short time before his 
death, which occurred July 4, 1870, at the age of forty-five 
years. From 1833 to 1839, inclusive, fifty-one were 
received into the church on profession of faith ; from that 


date to the close of 1S44, forty-two were received on 

On the fifth of November, 1845, Reverend Daniel Sewall 
was installed pastor of the church, the sermon on the occa- 
sion, being preached by Reverend Stephen Thurston, of 
Searsport. His. salary was five hundred dollars per annum. 
Mr. Sewall's pastorate continued for about seven and a half 
years, he being dismissed April 5, 1853. During the period 
of his pastoral charge, fourteen were received into the 
church, including five by letter. Mr. Sewall died at 
Augusta, April 21, 1866, aged fifty-seven years. The 
whole membership of the church in 1854, was seventy-five. 

January 1, 1855, Reverend Alfred E. Ives was invited to 
become pastor of the church. Mr. Ives was installed by 
Council, June ' 20, 1855, Reverend Doctor Shepard, of 
Bangor Seminary, preacliing the sermon. The yearly salary 
was eight hundred dollars. The pastorate of Mr. Ivea 
still continues, the twentieth year now commencing. Up 
to this time, during his ministry, eighty have been added 
to the church.* 

On August 27, 1838, Sewall Watson and Samuel Adams 
were elected deacons of the church. On June 31, 1841, 
Francis Vanv/yck was chosen to succeed Deacon Watson, 
who had removed from the place. Deacon Vanwyck hav- 
ing also removed, in December, 1843, Mark P. Hatch was 
chosen deacon. Deacon Adams has been Superintendent 
of the Sabbath School for thirty-six years. 

The church, at its organization, having no meeting-house, 
occupied the Court House for public worship. It continued 
to do so for about nine years. In 1829, a church building 
was erected on Main street, which was dedicated on the 
sixth of October of that year, at which time the Hancock 
and Waldo County Conference held their session here. A 
nari'ow room, in the front of the building — back of the 
singing gallery — was occupied for conference and prayer 

In the year 1848, the church was enlarged, making an 
addition of eighteen slips, in the audience room. 

The last Sabbath service in the church, in its old form, 

*Mr. Ives lias ahvtiyH been earnest in proinotins tlie ecl>(C(Uio7ialand moral 
interests of the town, and liis long resitlent-e liere has caused him to 
be greatly lulovcd by all our citizens. As his name does not appear in our 
Bio^rapliii;al Sketches, it is proper to remark, in this connection, that he is 
Well known for his literary attainments, anil has received favoral>le notice ii) 
Allil)one's Dictionary of British and American Authors. He was graduated 
at Yale College, in 1837. 


was on July 21, 1867. The edifice was reconstructed, the 
work commencing the same week. The building was 
raised nine feet, with an excavation adding three more 
feet, giving room for a basement of brick, and for a large, 
airy, dry, and well ventilated vestry, ladies' room, kitchen, 
etc. The old edifice was thoroughly rebuilt. A new spire, 
of about one hundred and twenty feet in height, was added, 
which, in proportion, grace and beauty, is perhaps, not sur- 
passed by any in the State. A new chancel was added, 
•and an orchestra ; new windows of stained glass ; the seats 
remodeled and newly arranged ; the walls handsomely 
frescoed ; the whole carpeted and the seats all uniformly 
cushioned ; the pulpit and its furniture, chandelier and 
lamps, all new. The rooms below, also, are furnished com- 
plete, and — except the kitchen — carpeted.* A new, finely 
toned bell, of about one thousand six hundred pounds 
weight, was presented by N. Wilson Brooks, Esq., of 
Detroit, Michigan. The cost of re-building, including 
everything, was about twelve thousand dollars. The build- 
ing, within and without, has no sign of its former self, and 
is commended by all for its convenience and comeliness, 
being an ornament to the village. The house was re-dedi- 
cated February 3, 1868, the sermon by the pastor.* 

The First Methodist Society of Castine.! 

The First Methodist sermon in Castine village, was 

preached about the year 1800, by Reverend Joshua Taylor. 

According to traditionary accounts, Mr. Taylor, instead of 

being received and treated as a minister of the gospel, was 

sent away after being " shamefully handled. "J This will 

not occasion surprise to any one conversant with the general 

state of intolerance common to all of the more powerful 

sects, even at so late a date as that. The Methodist heresy 

*0n November 30, 1872, at noon, this edifice was discovered to be on fire. 
The tire hud been started for Sunday, and the cold-air boxes closed. The 
wind blew a gale at the time, and the fire iu the furnace burned so fiercely as 
to ie^nite the lathing and studding, through the plaster forming one side of the 
cold air duct. The weather was intensely cold and the difliculty of handling 
the hose and of getting at the tire was very great. By the earnest exertions 
of all, it was at last extinguished. The damage to the building was repaired 
at an expense of one thousand two hundred dollars, but had the fire succeeded 
in getting headway, the greater portion of the village must have been destroyed. 

tFrom a manuscript " History of 3Iethodism in Castine Village," furnished 
the author by Reverend James A. Morelin. 

Jlt is said he was " rode on a rail" over the line into Penobscot. He is re- 
ported to have been considerably injured, and was taken home and his wounds 
dressed by a grandfather of Mr. Hosea Wardwell. 


was no more to be tolerated here, it was thought, than that 
of the Quakers or Baptists had been in other parts of New 
England. Notwithstanding the opposition to the new form 
of worship and belief — perhaps, somewhat in consequence 
thereof — a small class was formed, but was not long sus- 
tained, for want of teachers. In 1834, Reverend Mark 
Trafton was stationed on the North Castine circuit. He 
preached an occasional lecture in the village, and organized 
a class of five members. Reverend Messrs. Moore, Palmer 
and G'erry, succeeded Trafton on the North Castine circuit, 
and occasionally visited and preached to this class. But lit- 
tle accession, though, was made to their number until the 
year 1841. In 1840, Reverend Theodore Hill, who was 
stationed on that circuit, commenced preaching on the 
Sabbath at the village. His first sermon was preached from 
the embankment of Fort George. His next, was in the 
ship-yard. In the meantime the little class of eight or ten, 
" began to cry to God," says Mr. Hill, "and as our faith 
increased, ' we began to see a small cloud gathering over 
this dark spot' where there had been no revival for a num- 
ber of years." The result of Mr. Hill's labors was a revi- 
val, and at the close of the year, the class numbered about 
thirty. Mr. Hill was stationed on the North Castine cir- 
cuit for two years, holding regular services, one-half the 
time, at the Court House in this village. 

In 1842, agreeably to a petition from this village, the 
Maine Annual Conference reported Castine village as a 
separate station, and Reverend Charles Munger was 
appointed as the regular pastor for the ensuing year. 
The appointment was very fortunate in its results. The 
congregation was invited to occupy the meeting-house of 
the First Society, which was at that time unoccupied. 
Mr. Munger served here a second year, during which the 
society was under the necessity of returning to the Court 
House as a place of worship. He received three hundred 
dollars per annum. The Methodist chapel was built in 
the year 1844, chiefly — if not entirely — by Mr. John Jar- 
via. It cost about two thousand dollars. The successors 
of Mr. Munger were : — 

Abner Hillman, 1843-4. Obediah Huse, 1849. 

David Iliggins, 1845-6. Cvrus Scammon, 1850. 

George Pratt, 1847. John Atwell, 1851-2. 

Phineas Higgins, 1848. Charles B. Dunn, 1853. 


William J. Robinson, 1854-5. George D. Strout, 1862. 
W. J. Wilson, 1856. W. t. Jewell, 1864-5-6. 

John N. Marsh, 1857. Josiah Fletcher, 1867. 

L. D. Wardwell, 1858-9. B. B. Byrne, 1868-9-70. 
M. D. Matthews, 1860-61. J. A. Morelin, 1871-3. 

Methodist Episcopal Church of Penobscot.* 

The first Methodist preacher in Penobscot was Joshua 
Hall, who preached there in the year 1795. In the suc- 
ceeding year. Reverend E. Hull preached there. The 
number of Methodists in town at that time was ninety- 
three. The Penobscot circuit was formed in the year 
1798, by Peter Jayne, a deacon in the M. E. church, 
who preached with great success. In 1799, Reuben 
Hubbard was appointed to this circuit by the New 
England Conference, and, under the presiding eldership of 
Joshua Taylor, regulated the circuit, and established the 
church on a firm basis. The church had a healthy and 
vigorous growth, but the year 1819 was the most remarka- 
ble for its rapid increase of members, under the preaching 
of John S. Ayer. The following year, seventy persons 
were added to the church. It is recorded that at a prayer- 
meeting held at the house of William Hutchings, Jr., nine 
persons were instantly converted, and all the others 
present " convicted." " The shouts of the converts in 
praise of God, and the cries of the others for mercy, occa- 
sioned so great a noise that the shouts and cries could 
scarcely be distinguished from each other." In 1834, the 
Methodists complained that " in Castine we were some 
troubled with Universalism, some members withdrawing 
from our society, having embraced that pernicious doc- 
trine." In 1841 and 1842, under the j)reaching of Theo- 
dore Hill, large numbers were added to the church. In 
1871, the membership was one hundred and seventy-one, 
and the value of the church property was five thousand 
seven hundred dollars. There are three churches belong- 
ing to the denomination in this place. One was erected at 
North Penobscot, in 1837, and dedicated in December of 
the same year. One was erected in 1858, at the Head of 
the Bay, and was dedicated January, 1859. The thii"d 
was erected in 1864, upon the Doshen shore. f 

*From the Records of the Methodist Episcopal Church of Penobscot, 
abridged by Mr. Hosea B. Wardwell. 

tThis name is applied to the western shore of Penobscot, between Hard- 
scrabble and the Castine line. The derivation of the word is uncertain. 
There are several traditions concerning it, but none are satisfactory^ 


The following are the names of the ministers, so far as 
known, with the date of their ministry : Joshua Hall, 
1795 ; E. Hull, 1796 ; P. Merritt, and E. Mudge, 1797 ; 
Peter Jayne, 1798; J. Merrick, 1799; J. Gore, 1800; 
J. Baker, 1801 ; A. Metcalf, 1802 ; P. Munger, 1803 ; 
W. Goodhue, 1804; Levi Washer, 1805; E. Fairbanks, 
1806; Daniel Ricker, 1807; D. Kilburn, 1808; D. Stimp- 
son, 1809 ; B. Jones, 1810 ; J. Wilkinson, 1811 ; J. Emer- 
son, 1812; Thomas F. Norris, 1813 ; John S. Ayer, 1819; 
John Briggs, and H. Nickerson, 1821 ; Samuel Baker, and 
David Richards, 1822 ; Thomas Smith, and William 
Douglass, 1823-4 ; John Lewis, 1825 ; James Jaquis, 
1826-28; David Stinsou, 1829; Jesse Stone, 1830-31; 
Benj. D. Eastman, 1832 ; Abel Allton, 1833 ; Mark Traf- 
ton, 1834 ; Joseph C. Aspenwall, 1835 ; J. Batchelor, 
1836 ; Asahel Moore, 1837 ; Moses Palmer, 1888 ; Joseph 
Gerry, 1839 ; Theodore Hill, 1840-42, '54 and '55 ; J. W. 
True, 1842 ; Mace R. Clough, and Benjamin Lufkin, 1843; 
Asa Green, 1844 ; E. H. Small, 1845, '48 and '49 ; John 
Taggart, 1846 ; Mr. Chase, 1847 ; B. B. Byrne, 1850 ; 
R."S. Dixon, 1851; C. B. Roberts, 1856-57 ; Samuel S. 
Lang, 1858-59 : E. Bryant, 1860 ; Joseph King, 1861-62 ; 
William Read, 1863 ; A. Plummer, 1864 ; C. L. Plummer, 
1865-66 ; F. P. Caldwell, 1867-68 ; Students from Bangor 
Theological Seminary, 1869; O. R. Wilson, 1870-71; 
Fred. A. Bragdon, 1872-73. 

First Baptist Society of Brooksville. 

This Society was organized while Brooksville was a part 
of Castine, and was known at that time as the First 
Baptist Society of Castine. It was probably formed about 
the year 1813, as certificates of membershif) to if., at that 
date, are now on file in the Town Clerk's office at Castine. 
Israel Redman, and Benjamin Rea, were the Parish Com- 
mittee at that time. We have been unable to obtain any 
further information in regard to this Society. 

Congregational Societies of Brooksville. 

The First Congregational Society was organized in 
West Brooksville, January 4th, 1826. It was an off shoot 
from the First Church of Penobscot, of whicli a portion of 



its first members originally constituted a part. This 

Society has had, we believe, a steady and wholesome 

growth, notwithstanding the formation of a Second Society 

in South Brooksville.* 

*We have been unable to obtain any further particulars in regard to the 
other religious societies in this town and in Penobscot. 




Law IK Regard to Education. — Establishment of 
Public Schools. — Establishment of School Dis- 
TkicTS. — Fjrst School Committees. — Re:-district- 
iNG OF Schools. — School Fund. — School Appropri- 
ations. — District Meetings. — Attempt to Estab- 
lish AN Academy. — Private Schools. — State Nor- 
mal School. — School Statistics. — School Teach- 
ers. — School Reports. — High School Diplomas. 

Education and religion in olden times, went hand in 
hand. The commonwealth of Massachusetts from the ear- 
liest period of its history made strong efforts to promote 
the general education of its citizens ; believing the truth of 
the adage, that " knowledge is power" as well as that 
" education is the pillar of a State." In bestowing tracts 
of land upon proprietors, it invariably required that a lot 
should be set apart for educational purposes, and also, as 
mentioned in the preceding chapter, one for the ministry 
and for the first settled minister. In addition to this it was 
required by law, as early as 1693, that every town of fifty 
householders that failed in employing a schoolmaster, eon- 
stantlt/, should be fined. In all towns embracing one 
hundred householders, the teacher was required to be 
capable of teaching the sciences and learned languages. 

This town early displayed an unusual interest in the 
subject of education, and, taking the entire period of its 
corporate existence, has probably not been surpassed in 
zeal by any town in the State. 

As early as May, 1796, a special town meeting was called 
to take action in regard to the establishment of pul)lic 
schools. The town was divided into four school districts. 
North Castine constituted one district ; Castine village 
made the second ; Cape Rozier the third ; and the remain- 
der, of what is now Brooksville, constituted the fourth, and 
was called the I kick's Harbor district. The school house 
in the first named district was located '' in the crotgh of 


the road, between the bridge and Scott's house." That 
for the village, or Peninsula district, as it was called, was 
located upon the " common lot." The location of the 
school houses in the Buck's Harbor and Cape Rozier dis- 
tricts, was left to the residents in those districts to deter- 
mine for themselves. The first school committee consisted 
of six persons, viz. : — Captain Ephraim Blake, Mr. Eben- 
ezer Leland, Mr. Jacob Orcutt, Captain John Perkins, 
Captain Mark Hatch, and Captain Stover Perkins. The 
town appropriated, this year, the sum of two hundred 
dollars for the support of the schools. This sum, though 
apparently small, was in reality an assessment of one dollar 
and twelve and one-half cents upon every individual in 
town ; about what the the average percentage has been in 
the most prosperous years. Of this sum, the Northern dis- 
trict received seventeen dollars and fifteen cents ; Buck's 
Harbor district, twenty-one dollars and seventeen cents ; 
the Cape district, twenty-eight dollars and fifty-seven cents ; 
and the Peninsula district, one hundred and thirty-three 
dollars and sixteen cents. The old citizens of the town, 
apparently believed that the public schools needed consid- 
erable inspection and supervision, for we find in 1813, when 
the number of scholars was only seventy, that Uvelve per- 
sons were elected members of the school committee. At 
its annual meeting this year, the town found it necessrr?}" to 
direct the school committee "to employ school masters and 
mistresses, and to appropriate the money raised for schools 
to the best advantage." Whether these instructions were 
rendered necessary in consequence of the unusual number 
of members upon the committee may, perhaps, admit of a 

In 1817, the town voted : " That the money raised for 
the support of schools, etc., be divided in proportion to the 
number of scholars in each school district." Also, " that 
the money belonging to any school districts in which a 
private school or schools are kept, be applied to the sup- 
port of those private schools, in proportion to the number 
of scholars taught in them, under the authority of the 
school committee." The town, moreover, instructed the 
school committee to return to the Assessors the number and 
names of scholars in each district, between the ages of three 
and sixteen years, in order to ascertain correctly the res- 
pective proportions of the school money to which each dis- 
trict was entitled. 


In 1818, the school committee were instructed to districfe 
the town anew, but this, for some reason, not having been 
attended to, the town at its next annual meeting, voted 
that the Selectmen should proportion the number of schol- 
ars to each district, and alter the districts if necessary. 
The action of the Selectmen not, however, being satisfac- 
tory, the town voted the next year, "that Jonathan Hatch, 
Thatcher Avery, John Wilson, Joshua Hooper and Richard 
Hawes, be a committee to divide the part of the town situ- 
ated off the peninsula, into school districts, in such a man- 
ner as they shall think proper." The town in 1821, acting 
upon the suggestion of this committee, divided the por- 
tion of the town oif the peninsula into two districts. This 
year, for the first time, school agents were elected by the 
town. In 1828, a new school district was made out of the 
two off the peninsula, and the districts were named and 
numbered as follows : — 

The Peninsula district was called No. 1. 

The Middle (new) district was called No. 2. 

The Northeast " " " " 3. 

The Northwest " '' " " 4.* 

In 1834, the town passed a vote : " That the Board of 
Trustees of the Castine School Fund, consist of five per- 
sons, viz. : Thon:ias Adams, Charles J. Abbott, Samuel 
Adams, Hezekiah Williams, and Frederic Webber." This 
school fund originated from the sale of the land belonging 
to the "ministerial and school lot." 

In 1836, the school committee, for the first time, made a 
report to the town of the condition of the schools. The 
subsequent year it was voted : " That the town will receive 
from the State its proportion of United States moneys, and, 
after deducting twelve hundred dollars, for paying town 
debts, the balance to be loaned by the Selectmen, at six 
per cent, per annum, the interest to be paid semi-annually, 
and appropriated to the support of schools." Unfortunately, 
however, the interest in education at this time began to 
wane, and the citizens accordingly, at their next aunual 
meeting, foregoing the certainty of future benefit for the 
sake of present gain, reconsidered the above vote, and 
voted, instead, to pay out this money, per capita, to the 

In the year 1845, the town voted : — " That the interest 
of the Ministerial and School fund, as it existed on the 
*The districts are tlius Uesignuted at the present day. 


first day of January last, be used for the support of schools 
annually, and that sufficient security be obtained for the 
principal." The ministerial fund had vested in the First 
Congregational Society. This vote of the town was 
resisted by those interested in the Society, and, after a 
resort to the Legislature, without success, for an act to 
divert the fund, the attempt to have it appropriated for 
schools was abandoned. 

The appropriations made by the town for the support of 
its schools,- have always depended somewhat", of course, 
upon the state of its financial prosperity ; but quite a 
steady correspondence exists between the amounts appro- 
priated each year, and the population of the town at the 
time. Thus from 1796, to 1804, the annual appi'opriations 
were pretty uniformly two hundred dollars. From 1806 
to 1810, there were between five and six hundred dollars. 
In 1811, the appropriation was eight hundred and fifty 
dollars. In 1812, it was twelve hundred. From that 
time until 1815, it decreased gradually to five hundred. 
From 1815 to 1833, it was between one thousand and 
one thousand five hundred. From 1834 to 1844, it fell off 
gradually to between six and eight hundred dollars. From 
1845 to 1856, it was between one thousand and one 
thousand seven hundred. From 1857 to 1864, it ranged 
from two thousand to two thousand five hundred. The 
whole amount of money appropriated by the town, for 
the support of its schools, exclusive of that raised by the 
several districts, and of that derived from the " ministerial 
and school fund," amounted, in 1864, to about seventy-two 
thousand dollars. This is an average of over eight hun- 
dred dollars per annum — the average of the entire popu- 
lation for that length of time being about one thousand. 

District Meetings. 

The first account we have of a school-house in the 
Northern district, was in 1804, when a meeting was held, 
to see if the inhabitants of that district would build a 
school-house, and determine where it sliould be located. 
The matter was not decided at this meeting, but the next 
year the district voted an appropriation of one hundred 
and eighty dollars, to defray the expense of building one. 
Where the school-house was situated, is nowhere stated. 
It could not have been the first one off the peninsula, as 


there was one in 1796 situated, as before mentioned, " in 
the crotch of the road." We are unable to ascertain at 
what time the school-houses in the Northeastern and 
Northwestern districts were built, or the cost of the same, 
as the records of these districts are not to be found. 

School-meetings were called in the Buck's Harbor dis- 
trict in 1800, and again in 1806, to decide where the 
school should be kept. As only the warrants for these 
meetings have been preserved, it is not possible to state 
when the school-house was built, or where it was located. 

In the Cape district, a school-meeting was called — as 
shown by the warrant — to choose a committee to build a 
school-house, and to select a master for the school. In 
the year 1817, there were two school-meetings held in 
this district. At the second meeting, the following votes 
were passed : — 1. To build a school-house between David 
Dyer's and John Bakeman's — at a cost not exceeding 
three hundred dollars. 2. To build another school house 
near John Redman's — the cost not to exceed one hundred. 
3. To reconsider the vote in regard to petitioning the 
town to divide the district. 4. That any material needed 
in building should be a lawful tender, if ready when 

The first school-house in the Peninsula district was 
located on the " common lot." The exact time when it 
was built, its dimensions, etc., we have been unable to 
ascertain. On April 5th, 1802, this district voted to build 
a school-house two stories in height, thirty-six feet long 
by thirty feet wide, with a cupola on top ; the back thereof 
to be " on the northwesterly line of the common, square 
with the southwesterly side of the meeting-house." The 
sura of seven hundred dollars was appropriated, to defray 
the cost of erecting the same, and it was voted to allow 
the use of one story for an Academy. Captain John 
Perkins, Captain Mark Hatch, and Captain Joseph Per- 
kins, were chosen a committee to superintend the erection 
of the building. At a meeting held July the fifth, it was 
voted to reconsider so much of the previous vote as 
related to having the building two stories high. Messrs. 
Otis Little, Thomas Stevens, and JNIoses Gay, were chosen 
a committee to draw up a plan for the building. As 
there has never been any Academy in this town, the cause 
of the above votes requires explanation. 

It appears that in the year 1797, the General Court of 


Massachusetts, by an act passed February twenty-seventh, 
offered one half-township of the pubhc fands to such appli- 
cants, for a charter for an Academy, in each county, as 
should secure for it, by private subscription, funds to the 
amount of three thousand dollars. About the time of the 
passage of these votes by the district, there being no 
incorporated Academy in Hancock County, several towns 
attempted to establish one — and this town, as well as 
others. A paper was circulated here, and subscriptions 
made to more than the required amount. The above vote 
was taken by the inhabitants of the Village district, and 
the following petition was sent to the Legislature of 
Massachusetts : — 

*' To the honorable, the Senate and the House of Represen- 
tatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in Gen- 
eral Court assembled, at Boston, Januar}^ 1803. 
Humbly shew your petitioners, that the inhabitants of 
Castine, in the County of Hancock, and its vicinity, con- 
ceiving that an Academy in the said town of Castine 
would be of great public utility in promoting piety, 
religion, and morality, and for the education of youth in 
the languages, liberal arts and sciences, have subscribed 
three thousand eight hundred and thirty dollars, for the 
purpose of erecting and supporting the same, as will 
appear by the subscription paper accompanying this peti- 
tion* ; provided^ the General Court will endow said Acad- 
emy with an half-township of laud, six miles square, of 
the unappropriated lands in the District of Maine. 

We would humbly beg leave to represent to your honors, 
that we conceive great benefit would result to the county 
at large from the said Academy being established at Cas- 
tine. At least, this place has as many advantages as any 
town in the county ; and many more than the towns in 
general. - It is free of access both by land and water, at 
all seasons of the year ; and the peninsula on which it is 
proposed to erect the building, is one of the most healthy 
spots in the United States. Such is the population of the 
place, that probably within a quarter of a mile, good 
accommodations may be found for as many students as 
will ever be at the Academy ; and we will venture to say 
[they] can be supplied at as cheap a rate as at any place 
in the county. The place is generally supplied with an 
abundance of fresh provisions of different kinds ; and 
♦This list has not been preserved in tlie files of town papers. 


there is a constant intercourse with Boston, so that what- 
ever is necessary to be obtained from thence, may be 
easily and clieaply obtained. For these, and varions 
other reasons, which it would be eas}^ were it necessary, 
to set before your honors, we flatter ourselves the prayei- 
of our petition will be granted. Impressed with this 
idea, and believing that such characters as are best quali- 
fied for trustees, could not so well be known to your 
honors as to those among whom they live, the subscribers 
aforesaid, at a full meeting, unanimously agreed to men- 
tion a number of gentlemen, out of which number, should 
the prayer of this petition be granted, they pray your 
honors the trustees may be appointed. 

Wherefore the subscribers and others have appointed 
your petitioners a committee to pray your honors, that an 
Academy may be established in said Castine, by the name 
of Castine Academy, and that one half-township of land 
may be granted for supporting the same, and trustees 
incorporated for managing the prudential affairs of said 
Academy, with the privileges, powers, and authority 
usually vested in such corporations ; and as in duty bound 
will ever pray." [Signed by the committee in the original, 
but no names given in the copy on file.] Doctor Oliver 
Mann was the Representative to the General Court this 
year, and did his utmost to induce that body to locate 
the Academy in this town. The following copy of a 
letter to him from the committee who drew up and for- 
warded the above mentioned petition, will show still more 
clearly the efforts that were made b}^ the citizens of this 
town : — 

"Sir: We have the pleasure to inform you that the 
business of the Academy you have so much at heart, now 
looks with a pleasing appearance, as you will see by the 
petition and subscription paper which we now inclose 
you, to present to the Honorable Court. By a vote of the 
petitioners, we are appointed a committee to write to you, 
and forward the petition, &c. It was thought best by 
them, at a full meeting, to nominate and recommend sucli 
persons for trustees as the petitioners were fully acquainted 
with — and in order to assist you in the nomination, as tlu; 
names might not readily occur to 3'ou at the time. We 
have in the petition mentioned some of the advantages 
that Castiue possesses over the other towns ; but we tliink 
there are a number of others which it will be better lor 



joii to mention, than to have a very long petition. There 
is one thing which we suppose will be very much urged 
by the opposition, to wit ; that scholars cannot be boarded 
as cheap as at the other towns that have applied for the 
grant. This we think you can oppose with the greatest 
propriety, as it is a fact that the advantages Castine pos- 
sesses will enable the inhabitants to board the scbolare as 
cheap as, if not cheaper than, any town in the county. 
There is another thing you can mention from your knowl- 
edge of the petitioners, to wit : that they are all able to 
pay the sums set against their names, and that no names 
are put there for a mere show. There was some de- 
ficiency in the form of the old subscription paper, and it 
was therefore, at this meeting, proposed to draw a new 
one. The names are all upon it but yours — when you add 
that with the sum you subscribed on the old one, it will 
make just the sum mentioned in the petition, as you will 
observe. Not doubting but you will pay every attention 
to the business, we remain. 

Your friends and humble Servants." 

Notwithstanding the exertions that were made to have 
the Academy located in this village, the town of Bluehill 
must either have possessed better claims, or have urged 
them more persistently upon the attention of the General 
Court, for the Academy in that town was incorporated at 
this session of the Court. In consequence of the failure to 
establish an Academy here, the district this year voted to 
reconsider their vote of 1802. 

In the year 1811, a lot of land, one hundred by fifty 
feet, running northwest from "Center" street, was deeded 
to the district, by Messrs. Joseph and John Perkins. A 
meeting of the district was called this year, to decide 
whether the school-house should be altered, or a new one 
built. Probably but little, if anything, was done to the 
building, as a district meeting was again called in 1815, to 
decide the same question. What was decided upon at this 
latter meeting, we do not know ; but in 1823, a school- 
house was built, by Mr. Edwaid Lawrence, for which the 
district paid him three hundred and forty-one dollars. In 
1840, the district voted to sell the land and buildings on 
the Northeast side of Center (or Green) street ; and they 
were accordingly purchased by Jonathan Hatch, for one 
hundred and fifty dollars. In 1841, the district voted to 


raise the roof of the Northwestern school-house, and to 
reduce the wages of female teachers to two dollars and 
sevent5^-five cents a week. On April 5th, 1847, Messrs. 
Charles J. Abbott, William Witherle, Charles Rogers, 
John Dresser, and Benjamin I). Gay, were chosen a com- 
mittee to procure a site for a new school-house, and to 
make arrangements for building the same. Upon the 
twenty-fourth of this month, Messrs. Charles J. Abbott, 
Stover P. Hatch, Samuel Adams, William Jarvis, and 
Josiah B. Woods, were chosen a committee, to superin- 
tend the erection of the building. An appropriation of 
six hundred dollars, was also voted. On a subsequent 
meeting, held May 8th, the committee elected on the fifth 
of April was excused from further service, and the build- 
ing committee was instructed to purchase a lot, but was 
restricted to the sum of one hundred dollars. At a 
meeting held December 22d, it was decided, if the consent 
of the town could be obtained, to alter the town-house, so 
as to make it suitable for a school-house. On March 27th, 
1848, the district voted to discharge their building com- 
mittee, and Messrs. Josiah B. Woods, Charles Rogers, and 
Charles J. Abbott, were chosen in place of those dis- 
charged. At this meeting, it was voted that this commit- 
tee superintend the fitting up of the town-house into a 
school-house, and cause the necessary repairs to be. made 
upon the Western school-house. The appropriation voted 
at a previous meeting was reduced to four hundred dol- 
lars, and was to be spent in making the above named 
repairs. On March 2t)th, 1849, by vote of the district, 
the agent sold to Mr. George Vose the lot of land (then 
occupied by him) adjoining the Western school-house, for 
the sum of thirty dollars. On March 7th, 1851, it was 
voted : " that the school agent be authorized to pay Mr. 
Hunt six hundred dolhirs, for teaching the high school the 
ensuing year." Mr. Hunt was to employ an assistant in the 
school, at his own expense, and to have the privilege of 
receiving scholars from other towns into his school, j^f'o- 
vided this did not interfere with the privileges of scholars 
in the district. On March 8th, 1853, Messrs. Charles 
Rogers, Joseph L. Stephens, and William Witherle, were 
chosen a committee to procure a suitable lot of land upon 
which to erect a school-house ; to fix upon a plan of the 
same, and to estimate the expense. At a subsequent 
meotiug, this committee reported that they bad bargained 


with Jotham S. Gardner for the land, for the sum of two 
hundred and fifty dollars. They recommended the build- , 
ing of a double house, and set the estimated expense of 
the same at about two thousand eight hundred dollars. 
Their report was accepted, and the amount above specified 
Avas voted. Messrs. Stover P. Hatch, Charles Rogers, 
Ithiel Lawrence, Charles J. Abbott, and Charles K. Tilden, 
were chosen a building committee. The committee was 
authorized to borrow the amount of money that had been 
appropriated, and was instructed to have the school- 
house completed within eight months. In the year 1856, 
the sum of two hundred and fifty dollars was appropri- 
priated for philosophical apparatus, and the agent author- 
ized to procure the same. In 1857, the district voted to 
relinquish the right of occupying the town-house as at 
school-house. On March 19th, 1859, the district voted to 
build a school-house two stories in height, near the site of 
the Intermediate school-house. It also voted to raise the 
money by loan — to be paid in ten annual installments. 
Messrs. Samuel Adams, Jr., Stover P. Hatch, Ithiel Law- 
rence, Stephen W. Webster, and Charles J. Abbott, were 
chosen a building committee. The sum of four thousand 
dollars was appropriated, and the committee was instructed 
to dispose of the Intermediate school-house. At a meet- 
ing of the district, held September 24th, it was voted to 
have a cupola upon the building ; also, to accept the report 
of the committee upon the completion of the " Abbott " 
school-house. In the year 1861, the district decided that 
the Apprentice school should be commenced in November, 
and be continued as long as it was found profitable. The 
district also voted at this meeting that the High school- 
house should hereafter be known as the " Adams " school- 
house. On September 1st, 1863, the district voted to allow 
one of the school-houses to be used for five years, for a 
State Normal School, and to have it suitably altered for 
this purpose. Messrs. Charles J. Abbott, Samuel Adams, 
and William H. Witherle, Avere chosen a committee to 
make an offer to the State, of one of the buildings, and to 
make all necessary preparations for the transfer. This 
committee thereupon, very shortly after, made the follow- 
ing offer to the commissioners appointed by the State : — 
*•' The undersigned a committee of the citizens of Cas- 
tine, pursuant to votes at a public meeting of said citizens, 
and of the inhabitants of School District Number One in 


Castine, qualified to vote in school-district affairs, at a 
legal meeting of said district, hereby offer to the State of 
Maine, under the Act of March 25th, 1863, for the estab- 
lishment of Normal Schools, the Abbott school house in 
Castine, for the Use of a Normal School, for five years. 
This school-house is of two stories, with a basement, and 
is fifty-eight feet by thirty-foUr, giving school-rooms fort}^- 
five feet by thirt3^-two, and was built in 1859, in the best 
manner. The citizens will furnish double desks and fixed 
chairs' — of Boston manufacture— and settees for two hun- 
dred scholars. They will, if necessary, have one of the 
school-rooms fitted with sliding doors, so as to be used for 
two recitation rooms ; and the attic, which is fifty-eight 
by fourteen feet, shall be finished off, and properly fur- 
nished, lighted, and ventilated, for a recitation room. 
Two rooms suitable for apparatus and library rooms are 
connected with the school-rooms. Suitable clothes room 
accommodation shall be provided. A Philosophical Appar- 
atus belonging to the High school, and the Public Library, 
of seven or eight hundred volumes, may be used by the 
Normal School. Board at a rate not exceeding two dol- 
lars and a half a week, can be obtained by the Normal 
School scholars.*" 

The third article of the warrant for the district meeting, 
on April 9th, 1864, read as follows : — " To see if the 
district will divide the Primary school into two independent 
schools, with a teacher for each. The schools to be called 
the First and Second Primary schools. Eacli to be kept 
for two terms in a year. The first to have an assistant ; 
to commence as soon as possible, and to continue thirteen 
weeks. The second to commence in August, and continue 
seventeen weeks. Each to be taught by a female." The 
other articles of the warrant were :— To see if the district 
would vote to have three terms of the Intermediate and 
Select schools — all the terms to be taught by females ; to 
employ a master for a Free school for both sexes, to com- 
mence in December, and to continue sixteen weeks ; to 
choose a committee of three, to classif}^ the scholars, and 
transfer them, as found needed, from school to school. 

♦In the Spring of 1873, the State relinquished the use of this building, the 
new Normal School-house having been completed. The district did not, 
howevcjr, cease to extenil its patronage to this institution, but gave it a louu 
of all the furniture then in use in it. In aildition to this, Deacon Samuel 
Adams presented it with a handsome bell, and Mr. .Tolin Jarvis with a very 
superior clock. The town bad previously deeded to the State the land oil 
whicb the building i^taud:). 

146 msroR'? w CASTtNie, 

tJpoii tlie tliird article being called for consictel'.itiott, tlie 
following petition was presented:— 

" The undei'signed, L{idies of Sclrcol District Kuinber 
One, in Castine, deeply interested in the cause of educa* 
tion, respectfully beg leove, in their own behalf, in behalf 
•of the children, and of the present and future welfare of 
society, to express to the meeting to be holden in said dis- 
trict, on the ninth insttmt, their most earnest desire that 
no change should take place in the present admirable sys* 
tem of our schools, and that they be maintained, zvithout 
interruption, on their present footiiig." This petition was 
signed by al'.nost every female in the district. Probably 
induced thereto more by their fears of what might happen, 
than by anything expressed in the warrant itself. This 
petition was respectfully laid on the table, and all the 
articles were adopted. Messrs. Josiah B. Woods, Alfred 
F. Adams, and Joshua Hooper^ were chosen a committee 
to classify the scholars. 

Private Schools. 

There have been, frem time to time, ever since the 
incorporation of the town, if not before, schools kept here 
by teachers who were not employed to act in this capacity 
by the town authorities. As no record of these schools 
was required by the town, our sources of information 
in regard to them are necessarily very meager. The 
Misses Almira A., and Sarah H. Hawes, taught private 
schools for thirty or forty years. They were very success- 
ful in their teaching, and usmilly had full schools. Nearly 
all of the present adult population of the town have, at 
some time, been under their tuition. A number of other 
persons have also, from time to time, taught private 
schools, to the satisfaction of their patrons, but we are 
unable to obtain any particulars as to their schools, and 
none of them have taught for so long a time as the ladies 

Eastern State Normal School. 

This school was opened in the Abbott school-house, 
September 7th, 1867. The opening exercises were con- 
ducted by Reverend Doctor Ballard, State Superintend- 
ent of Schools, who delivered the keys of the building to 
Mr. G, T. Fletcher, of Augusta, the Principal of the 


school. Appropriate remarks were made by citizens of 
the town, and by others present. A class of thirteen was 
admitted to the school. The school increasing in size^ 
Mrs. Fletcher was appointed assistant teacher at the 
beginning of the second term. 

The exercises at the close of the year were very intei- 
esting. Governor Chamberlain and Council, and many 
friends of education wei'e present. Mrs. Fletcher having 
declined to serve longer, at the beginning of the second 
year — in August, 1868 — Mrs. Julia E. Sweet, of Boston^ 
was appointed assistant. Mr. John W. Dresser, of tliis 
town, who had kindly given his services for two terras, 
adding much to the interest and profit of the school, was 
appointed teacher of music. At the commencement of 
the winter term. Miss Anna P. Cate, of Castine, was 
added to the corps of teachers, and at the commence- 
ment of the Spring term, Miss Helen B. Coffin, was trans- 
ferred from the Normal school at Farmington to this, and 
Miss Lucy V. Little, of this town, was employed tempo- 

' The close of the Spring term of 1869, marked an era in 
the progress of the school, by the graduation of its first 
class, of eight pupils. Governor Chamberlain and Coun- 
cil were present, and all expressed the feeling that the two 
years of trial had established the school on a firm basis. 
The Fall term of this year opened with an attendance of 
fifty-one pupils. At the commencement of the Winter 
term, Miss Eliza A. Lufkin, of this town, a graduate of 
the school, was appointed assistant, in place of Miss 
Sweet, who had resigned. 

At the beginning of the Spring term of 1870, Miss 
Mary E. Hughes, of Pennsylvania, was added to the corps 
of teachers. At the close of this term, the second class — 
of twenty-six — was graduated. The Fall term opened 
with an attendance of one hundred and nineteen pupils. 
Miss Cate having resigned her position, Miss Ellen G. 
Fisher, of Massachusetts, was appointed to fill the vacancy. 
Mr. Park S. Warren, teacher of the High school, was 
appointed teacher of Music, in the place of Mr. Dresser, 
who had resigned. 

The Spring term of 1871, opened with an attendance of 
one hundred and forty pupils, and closed witli the gradua- 
tion of the third class — consisting of twenty. At the 
close of the Fall term, Miss Fisher resigned her position 


for one in Boston, and Miss Clara Hartley, of Cambridge, 
Massachusetts, was elected to fill the vacancy. At differ- 
ent times during these years, Doctor George A. Wheeler, 
of Castine, and Doctors George B. Stevens, and Calvin 
Cutter, of Massachusetts, favored the school with lectures 
on Physiology, and Doctor N. T. True, of Maine, with 
lectures on Geology. 

The Spring term of 1872 closed with the graduation of 
a class of fifteen. The town having presented to the 
State a fine lot of land, at a cost of about one thousand 
dollars, an appropriation of twenty thousand was made 
by the Legislature, to build a new Normal school-house. 
Plans drawn by Mr. Alfred F. Adams, of this town, hav- 
ing been accepted, the contract for the building was 
awarded to Messrs. Foster & Dutton, of Bethel. The 
ground was broken in May of this year, but, the season 
being unfavorable, the house was not completed until 
January, 1873. The school was moved into the new 
house in February, but, on account of the severe weather, 
and bad travelling, the dedicatory exercises were post^ 
poned until the close of the term in May. The closing 
examination of the year took place on Wednesday, May 
22d, and on the same evening the house was dedicated. 
Governor Perham and Council, the Board of Trustees, 
members of the Press, friends of education and of the 
pupils, and citizens, made an audience of five hundred 
people in Normal Hall, and there was still room for a hun- 
dred more. The exercises were very interesting. Speeches 
were made by the Governor and members of the Council, 
and by other officials, by citizens, and people from other 
States, and other parts of our own State ; and, in behalf 
of the school, by the Principal. The Normal choir, and the 
Lawrance Cornet Band, of Castine, furnished excellent 
music. On the succeeding day, the fifth class graduated, 
with honor to themselves and the school. The new build- 
ing is an ornament to the town, and is in many respects 
one of the best school-houses in the State. It has ample 
accommodations for two hundred pupils.* 

School Statistics. 

The average annual number of scholars in each district, 

from 1813 to 1845, was, omitting fractions, as follows : — 

* We are indebted to Mr. Fletcher, the Principal of the school, for the 
material for the foregoing account. 


In District Number One, two hundred and eighty-seven. 

" " " Two, fifty-one. 

" " " Three, forty-three. 

" " " Four, thirty. 

The following are the names of all the teachers men- 
tioned in the records of the several districts, or which we 
have been enabled to obtain, from other sources, and the 
decade in which their names occur. The exact dates it is 
impossible, in most cases, to ascertain. The records are 
very defective, and consequently many names are, without 
doubt, omitted from this list which would otherwise appear. 

The teachers in District Number One were : — From 
1820 to 1830.— Hannah D. Gay, Cynthia Holbrook, Miss 
C. S. Jellison, Joseph Lull, Susan Stevens, and E. M. 
Porter Wells. From 1830 to 1840.— Emehne Perkins, 
Andrew Pingree, Nancy Vose, Sarah Vose, Nancv Watson. 
From 1840 to 1850.— Mr. Abbott, Mr. George Adams, Mr. 
Collins, Rev. Mr. Farwell, Sarah H. Hawes, Frances 
Hosmer, Abigail Mead, Richard Potter, Mehitable Rog- 
ers, and Mr. Savage. From 1850 to 1860. — L. H. Hatch, 
Mary E. Field, L. Hunt, Georgie Lane, Charlotte Y. 
Little, Lizzie H. Morse, Hannah M. Perry, Ellis Peterson, 
Bertha Rogers, Hannah D. Robbins, Emeline C. Sawyer, 
Cornelia Upham, Susan R. Upham, L. D. Ward well, David 
W. Webster, Jr., Zadoc Witham, and Miss H. A. Wood. 
From 1860 to 1865. — Fannie J. Gardner, Miss Condon, 
Anna P. Cate, Marietta Hatch, Ellis Peterson, Miss A. G. 
Porter, Miss E. E. Sawyer, and Miss A. Wilder. 

In District Number Two : — 

From 1820 to 1830.— Miss Abigail Hatch. From 1830 
to 1840. — William F. Nelson, Alexander Perkins, Miss 
Wright. From 1840 to 1850.— J. W. Hutchins, Fannie 
Little, and David W. Webster, Jr. From 1850 to 1860. 
Phcebe Ellis, Fannie Little, Hester Lull, G. S. Hill, Rev- 
erend William J. Robinson, Hosea B. Ward well, Laura 
Webber, Clara Wescott, Sarah N. Wescott, Irene Witham, 
and Zadoc Witham. From 1860 to 1865. — Lucy Hatch, 
Sarah Hooke, Mary Lufkin, Mary J. Robbins, Hannah 
Robbins, Reverend Mr. Wardwell, and David W. Webster, 

In District Number Three : — 

From 1820 to 1830.- Sarah Hayden, and William B. 


Webber. From 1850 to 1865. — George E. Brown, Mary 
E. Dodge, Edwin Ginn, Clara A. Littlefield, Hosea B. 
Wardwell, David W. Webster, Jr., Sarah M. Wescott, and 
Zadoc Witham. 

In District Number Four : — 

A school is said to have been taught in this district two 
years before the incoi-'poration of the town, by a Mrs. 
Parker, in her dwelling-house. The following winter it 
was taught by a Mr. Downes. In 1801, the school was 
taught by an Englishman named Bowlin. He is said to 
have been an escaped convict, and to have been carried 
back to England by the British, when they left here in 1815, 
and to have been afterwards huijg. It is further said of 
him, that his mode of punishing unruly scholars, was to 
cause them to sit down on a '' peaked brick." From 1806 
to 1820. — Mr. Rowlinson, and Reverend Mr. Ricker, taught 
in this district. From 1820 to 1880.— Andrew Steele. — 
From 1830 to 1840. — Harriet Devereux, Sarah H. Hawes, 
Charles Hutchings, Harrison Hutchings, Ursula Lawrence, 
Miss Minot, Louisa Rogers, Betsey Steele, Angelina Steele, 
Lucretia Stone, Theodosia M. Wescott, Robert WardAvell, 
Jeremiah Wardwell, and Zadoc Witham. 1840 to 1850. — 
Nehemiah Basset, Clara Basset, Franklin Chatman, Harriet 
Dresser, Lucy Osmore, Miriam Fatten, Nathan Patterson, 
Hannah Perry, Sarah Trott, Betsey Turner, Jeremiah 
Wardwell, Zadoc Witham, Samuel Wasson, Sarah Wescott, 
Lucy J. Wescott, and Clara White. From 1850 to 1865. 
Rufus Cole, Lizzie Dodge, Henry Folsom, Harrison Ginn, 
Amanda Hatch, Amelia Harriman, Caroline Higgins, Ellen 
S. Hutchings, Harrison Hutchings, Ruby King, Abby 
Oakes, Louisa Perkins, Mary J. Robbins, Sarah Rowell, 
Louisa Springfield, S. D. Staples, Rebecca Trott, Austin 
Wardwell, Eliakim Wardwell, Evan Wardwell, Mary E. 
Wardwell, David W. Webster, Jr., and Zadoc Witham. 

Owing to the loss of so many of the school returns, it is 
impossible to estimate, with any exactness, the average 
wages, for each term, of the teachers, in the different dis- 
tricts. All that it is possible to state is that the average of 
the districts off the peninsula has been somewhat below 
fifty dollars a term, and of district Number One, somewhat 
below seventy-five dollars. 

brooksville and penobscot. 151 

School Reports. 

The first report of any school committee was in 1836. 
It was very short ; gave no particulars in regard to the 
schools : contained no recommendations, and simply reported 
the schools as in a very prosperous condition. 

In the next report, in 1841, the committee complain of a 
great want of attendance, and lack of punctuality on the 
part of the scholars. They recommend fewer studies ; a 
greater uniformity of books ; more frequent visiting by 
parents and others ; an improvement of the school houses ; 
and that the school on the peninsula be kept for forty-two 
weeks in the year, by a male teacher. They also recom- 
mend, Ave regret to say, that the wages of all the teachers 
be reduced. This report is signed: B. B. Beckwith,/or 
the committee. 

The superintending school committee in their report for 
1856, recommend the introduction, into all the schools, of 
Tower's series of Grammars, and also recommend a change 
in the Readers. " Believing that an interest in the subject 
of education may be awakened by the printing and circu- 
lation of the Annual School Reports among the families of 
this town," they recommend that subsequent committees 
be authorized, at their discretion, to have the report thus 
printed and circulated. Joseph L. Stevens signs for this 

The report for 1857, is printed. In this report the Pri- 
mary school is declared to be altogether too large for one 
teacher, numbering, as it did, one hundred and three schol- 
ars. In his remarks the writer says : " We are more and 
more impressed with the importance of having a teacher 
of thorough training and ample qualifications, placed in 
charge of this school. Perhaps there is no one in the series 
requiring in the teacher, for the best success, such an 
unusual combination of qualities as does the Primar3^ 
Here it is that systematic effort is first made to aAvaken 
in the young mind its slumbering capacities ; here, that it 
is first taught to act and think ; and here it is that character 
is most impressible." The Apprentice school is well spoken 
of in this report, though it, like the other schools, is said 
to have suffered from unsteady attendance. It is stated in 
this report that there were two principal objects sought to 
be accomplished in the establishment of this school. One, 
" the efficient instruction in the essential branches of prac- 


tical education of those who could attend school only for 
some weeks of the winter season. This could be done 
only in a school especially designed for them." The other 
object was " that the High school might reach the condi- 
tion of a high school." In his remarks in regard to the 
High school, the writer speaks in the highest terms of the 
ability and devotion of the teacher, Mr. Ellis Peterson. 
This school is declared to afford " better advantages of 
education than can be enjoyed in most of the Boarding- 
schools and Academies in the County." The closing par- 
agraphs of this report refer to the " Labor question." 
They are full of sound sense, and wotild be especially appli- 
cable at the present day, the drift of them being that Labor 
to compete successfully with Capital, ^mtst be educated. 

In their report for 1858, the committee state that the 
condition of the schools off the peninsula is not what it 
ought to be. They fail, however, to give the reason why 
such is the case. The report speaks commendably of all 
the village schools. It states also, that the grading of the 
schools on the peninsula was, this year completed.* They 
were divided into four schools, called the Primary, Inter- 
mediate, Select and High. For transfer from the Primary 
to the Intermediate school, the scholar was required to be 
able to read fluently in Sargent's First Reader, and to pass 
a satisfactory examination in Emerson's Arithmetic, and in 
the addition and multiplication tables. For transfer to the 
Select school, the scholar must have passed through Mitch- 
ell's Primary Geography, Colburn's Arithmetic — as far as 
section 7, page 79 — and through the simple rules of com- 
mon Arithmetic. Fortransferto the High school, Colburn's 
Arithmetic must have been finished ; also, Mitchell's Com- 
mon School Geography, Tower's Elements of Grammar, 
Quackenbos's History of the United States, and Greenleaf 's 
Introduction to the Common School Arithmetic, as far as 
decimal fractions. Sargent's Readers, and Worcester's 
Spelling Book, were introduced into the schools this year, 
the old books having been in use for twelve years. The 
committee recommend the fixing up of the Western 
school house for an Apprentice school, and the erection of 
a new building for the Primary and Intermediate schools. 

*The grading principle began to be acted on in oirr schools in 1840. Joseph 
L. Stevens, Hezekiah W^illiams, and Charles J. AbTjott, being the school com- 
mittee who inaugurated it, and from whom we obtain our iufonnatiou. 


This latter suggestion they urge strongly, not only on 
account of the interests of the schools themselves, but also 
as a means of counteracting, somewhat, the great depres- 
sion of business which was being felt by the laboring classes 
of the town. 

The report for 1 860, shows a very commendable improve- 
ment in all the schools. The committee are very decidedly 
in favor of strict discipline in school. The report concludes 
by expressing the obligation the people of District Number 
One were under, to Mr. John W. Dresser, for the gratui- 
tous instruction in music, given by him for manj^ months, 
to the members of the High and Select schools. The last 
three reports are signed, /or the committees^ by Mr. Charles 
J. Abbott. 

The report for the year 1862, is printed. In it the com- 
mittee remark that the schools, taken as a whole, have been 
more successful than in any former year, the result of the 
steady liberal support yielded them. The report dwells 
much upon the importance of educating the children, rather 
than allowing them to educate themselves. This report is 
signed, /or the committee^ by Mr. David W. Webster, Jr. 

In the year 1864, Diplomas were, for the first time, given 
to those who graduated from the High school. These 
diplomas w^ere upon parchment, and read as follows : — 


of Castine High School. 


To '. 

Who has attended the Castine High School for more than 
four years; has been distinguished for Constant Attendance, 
Exemplary Deportment, and Diligent and Thorough 
Study ; and who is believed to be entitled by Culture and 
Scholarship, to this Diploma. 

) School Committee 

) Castine. 


Castine, 186 

154 History o^ castine, 

A large class of young gentlemen and ladies Was gradu- 
ated this year. A few classes have, we believe, received 
diplomas since then, but of late years no graduations have 
taken place.* 

From the foregoing rather incomplete account of the 
attention paid to educational matters in this town, it is 
plainly to be seen, that the citizens of Castine, have a 
right to feel a pride in the past history of their public 
achools. It is equally to be seen that these schools have at 
no time been free from imperfections. Perfection can no 
more be looked for in the future than in the past, but it is 
hoped that this record of what was done for the cause of 
education by our forefathers, may incite all to increased 
zeal in the matter of a common education provided by the 
people for the people. 

*Until this year (1874), when a class of seven or eight wefe publicly grad- 
uated. It is to be hoped that in future, each year will see a class ready for 




(Subsequent to Incoepoeation of Penobscot.) 

Importance of Castine as a Military Post. — Mili- 
tia AND Regulars here in 1787 to 1812. — War 
OF 1812. — British Expedition. — British Occu- 
pation. — British Garrison Evacuated. — Fort 
George Re-occupied by the Americans. — Roster of 
Castine Artillery Company. — Hancock Guards. — 
Troops Sent to the Aroostook. — Castine Light 
Infantry. — It Volunteers for Service in 1861. — 
Services Rkndered by the three Towns in the 
War of the Rebellion. 

Probably no place in the State of Maine has passed 
through so many changes, as the peninsula of Castine. 
Indians, French, Flemish pirates, Dutch, English, and 
Americans, have each occupied it. France held posses- 
sion of it for almost the entire seventeenth century. No 
less than five naval engagements have taken place in its 
harbor. To use the language of another: "it has never 
been without a garrison from 1680 to 1783, and has always 
been dealt with by the nations in whose possession it has 
been as a place of great importance." General De Peyster 
remarks : " This is one of the most remarkable points all 
along our coasts ; which, under any other government 
than our own, would have long since been transformed 
into a naval and military fortress of the first class." 
[Dutch at North Pole, and Dutch in Maine, p. 49.] 
Such was the military character of the place before its 
incorporation ; and although since that time, the foot 
of the invader has pressed its soil but once, yet even its 
later military history will be found not devoid of interest. 

As early as 1787, there was a company of the 1st Regi- 


ment, 2d Brigade, 8th Division of Massachusetts Militia 
here — of which Mr. Jeremiah Wardwell was Captain. 
On Jnly 10th. 1799, a recruiting office for the 15th U. S. 
Regiment was opened here. The recruiting officer was 
Captain John Bhxke. Eli Forbes was made the Captain of 
a company, Doctor Oliver Mann a Surgeon in the regi- 
ment, and Tliomas Stevens a Lieutenant in Captain Hun- 
newell's company. On November 1st, forty men left 
town, to join their regiment. These men were all regulars^ 
but we find it stated in the Castine Journal of this date, 
that an artillery company, of which Lieutenant Lee had 
command, paraded here upon that day. This company 
formed, probably, a part of the State militia. During the 
first six months of the year 1800, this company was in 
mourning for General Washington. In 1810, a meeting 
of the regiment to which it belonged was called, in Castine, 
to elect a Colonel, to take the place of Joseph Lee, who 
had resigned. 

In the year 1804, Jeremiah Wardwell, of Penobscot, 
was in command of some regiment, possibly of the one 
above mentioned. The following letter proves this fact, 
and also shows that they were called into service, though 
it is not certain that they ever left town : 

'' Col. J. Wardwell, Sir : 

It appears that an insurrection has broken out in the 
settlement west of Belfast, and the insurgents threaten to 
burn the town of Belfast, and it appears necessary that 
the militia should be put in readiness to march at the 
shortest notice. 

You are hereby ordered to examine the town stocks of 
ammunition within the limits of your regiment, and have 
them filled up immediately, and have fifty men equipped 
and ready to march, if they should be called for. 

I am, Sir, your most obedient and humble Servant," 

JOHN CROSBY, B. General. 

Hampden, June 29, 1804." 

The only time, since the municipal period of the town 
commenced, that it has been in possession of a foreign 
foe, was during what is generally known as the War of 


1812. The long continued impressment of American sea- 
men by the British — which was upheld by them — together 
with numberless insults to our flag, and the superior pol- 
icy of Napoleon, in abandoning the right to search neutral 
vessels ; all these things combined to compel the United 
States, on June 18th, of that year, to declare War against 
Great Britain. Active hostilities did not commence for 
more than a year, but the note of preparation began at 
once to be heard. Sometime in the year 1813, a detach- 
ment of regular trooi^s, belonging to the brigade of General 
Blake, was stationed in town. [Williamson, Vol. 2, p. 
632.]* In April, 1814, there were at this place nineteen 
men belonging to Captain Fillebrown's company, of the 
40th Infantry, viz : one 3d Lieutenant, one Sergeant, two 
Corporals, and fifteen privates. On May 16th, a detach- 
ment of the same company, commanded by Lieutenant 
Andrew Lewis, was added. On the thirty-first of July, 
the detachment, which had been converted into one of 
artillery, consisted of one 2d Lieutenant, one Sergeant, 
and six privates. The ordnance consisted of one 24- 
pounder, twelve hand-spikes, nine muskets, and six bayo- 
nets. [Monthly returns of 40th Regt.] This year a body of 
men from two British armed vessels entered, in the night, 
the fort at Thomaston, spiked the guns, destroyed the build- 
ings and ammunition, set fire to one vessel, and towed 
off two others. This daring exploit created such general 
alarm, that the militia of the State were ordered out to 
act as a coast guard, and a draft was made upon the militia 
at Bangor and vicinity, in order to increase the force at this 
garrison. [Williamson, Vol. 2, p. 642.] An expedition 
was planned by the English, at Halifax, against Penob- 
scot and Machias. Tlie fleet consisted of the following 
vessels : 

Three 74s — The Dragon, Spencer and Bulwark; two 
frigates — the Biu-Jiante and Tenedos ; two sloops — the 
Sylph and Peruvian ; one schooner — the Fictu ; one large 
tender, and ten transports. Upon these, three thousand 
five hundred men embarked, besides the usual camp fol- 
lowers. They consisted of the 29th, 62d, 98th, two rifle 
companies of the 60th, and a detaclimeut of the Royal 
Artillery, regiments. The 29th Regiment Avas called the 

*Tlierc had been, as mentioned before, an artillery company in tliis town 
for several years. We are uiiecrtain whetlur these were the same trooiid 
referred to by Williamson, but we think not. 



Boston Mer/iment, it bein^ the same that perpetrated the 
Boston 3Iassacre. One man who was a private at tlie time 
of the massacre, was here with the regiment at this time. 
[Niles' Weekly Register, VoL 7, p. 280.] The troops 
had composed a part of Wellington's army, and many of 
them were said to be Germans. [Ibid. Vol. 7, p. 51.] 
Lientenant General Sir John C. Sherbrooke had the chief, 
and Major General Gerard Gosselin the immediate com- 
mand of the land forces, and Edward Griftith, Rear 
Admiral of the White, had the command of the naval 
squadron. The fleet siiiled from Halifax on the twenty- 
sixth of August, and arrived at the Back Cove on Thurs- 
day, September 1st. They seized at once upon a reve- 
nue cutter, and upon all the shipping in the harbor. 
[Eaton's Thomaston, So. Thomaston and Rockland.] So 
formidable an appearance did this fleet offer, that our 
troops, which were in garrison at the lower fort — Fort Por- 
ter* — without waiting to go through the form of a sur- 
render, immediately discharged their cannon, blew up the 
magazine, and fled up the bay. The English at once 
took peaceable possession of the place. In the course of 
the day, they landed the greater part of their troops, took 
possession of Fort George, seized the Court House and 
Custom House — which were used as barracks for the 
soldiery — erected numerous batteries and a block-liouse, 
and took some of the best and most commodious houses 
for the abode of the officers. They also had a detach- 
ment at the old church in North Castine, and occupied 
Mr. Hooke's barn as a hospital. Captains Gell and Coker, 
and Lieutenants Sands and Evans, with their servants, 
quartered in the dwelling house of Mr. Otis Little. They 
were not aware, however, that a hundred muskets, and an 
abundance of ammunition were concealed under the hay- 
mow, in the barn. These munitions of war Avere the 
property of the town and State, and were not brought out 
from their liiding-places until after peace was proclaimed. 
When the fleet sailed up the harbor, the whole popula- 
tion turned out to witness the sight, though not without 
feelings of dismay. The inhabitants on the Brooksville side 
ascended the high hill in the northern part of the town and 

*Thi.s fort mounted at the time, four 24-pounilers. It was evidently 
untenable against a force of any ma£;nitude, being open to an attack from the 
rear, [Ballard's man. Sketch of Castine.] According to the account in 
Nile's Register, [Vol. 7, p. 61.] there were twenty-four 32-pounders, four of 
which were destined for the new fort at Portland. 


waited, with intense anxiety, to obtain a view of the 
expected conflict. Making tliis place the head-quarters of 
their forces, the British soon began to send out foraging 
parties through the region round about and even across the 
bay. In a very short time also, they sent detachments up 
.the river and succeeded in capturing the towns of Hamp- 
den, Bangor, Frankfort, and Bucksport. Tliey brought 
back from their incursion, some eighteen or twenty horses, 
a large number of oxen, sheep, etc., and six vessels. These 
vessels were the Bangor- Packet^ the schooner Oliver Spear^ 
the Hancock^ — which was retaken — the Lucy^ — which was 
lost — the Polly ^ — which was ransomed— and the "beautiful 
boat" Cato. Making but four vessels actually brought into 
this harbor. The Liverpool Trader, belonging to Mr. 
Joseph Perkins, was burned. They burned and destroyed 
many other vessels, and required bonds from the several 
towns to deliver up at Castine, within about a month, all 
the remainder that were uninjured. Upon the first and 
fifth of September, General Sherbrooke and Admiral 
Griffith issued proclamations to the effect that, if the 
people would remain quietly at their homes and continue 
to ]Dursue their usual avocations, would surrender all their 
arms, and would refrain from communicating intelligence 
to the Americans, they should have protection and safety 
ensured to them. Also, that the municipal laws and civil 
magistrates would be supported, and that all citizens who 
would furnish the troops with provisions, should receive 
pay for the same. There were frequent changes of the 
British forces and vessels, occurring during the 3'ear, but 
there were seldom less than fourteen or fifteen sail of this 
squadron in the harbor. The English repaired Fort George, 
occupied it with a garrison, and mounted some sixty 
cannon there. They also enlarged the trench, said to have 
been made by Mowatt, in 1779, so as to form a canal ten 
or twelve feet in width and eighty rods in length. This 
canal was dug fully as much to prevent desertions as to 
guard against a surprise. Desertions were becoming of 
daily occurrence, and still took place after this canal was 
dug. Two deserters were ciiptured, tried, sentenced, and 
shot. One was shot while attempting to cross the canal. 
The English about this time made Castine a port of entry, 
and appointed William Newton, Collector of the Customs. 
The property of Mr. Ilooke, the former Collector — who 
had succeeded in escaping with all the public papers — was 


confiscated. All the vessels belonging here previous to the 
surrender of the place were, however, returned to their 
owners, and were allowed a clearance and free intercourse 
with New Brunswick, and other British Provinces. [Niles' 
Register, Vol. 7, p. 110.] Upon the twelfth of September, 
General Sherbrooke and Admiral Griffith, with about one- 
half the forces, left for Machias. Rear Xdrairal Milne and 
Gerard Gosselin were left in command of the naval and 
land forces. All intercourse between the eastern and west- 
ern sides of the Penobscot was prevented, as much as 
possible, by both the British and the United States author- 
ities. The following order was issued by the Post Office 
Department at Washington : — 

General Post Office, September 26, 1814. 

Sundry Post-offices in the District of Maine, being 
possessed by, or under the control of, the public enemy, and 
it being possible that others may be in the same situation, 
it is hereby ordered, that the Post Master (at the nearest 
safe Post-office to those offices so possessed or controlled 
by the enemy) detain, open and account for the mails 
addressed to them, in the same manner as if addressed to 
his own office. Whenever it shall become safe to forward 
mails to such Post-offices, the letters and papers remaining 
undelivered, are to be remailed and forwarded immediately 
to their places of destination, either by special express, at 
the expense of this office, or by the regular carrier. 

(Signed.) R. J. MEIGS, Jr., 

Postmaster General. 

From the above order it would appear probable that all 
letters for Castine were, at this time, left either at Belfast, 
or at Prospect. 

On November the third, a small fleet of merchant vessels 
arrived here from Eastport, under convoy of the war-brig 
Fantine. One unarmed schooner, lately the American 
privateer " tShiap Dragooi,^' having on board some British 
Marines, was hailed by a boat from Waldoboro' — Captain 
Cook — was fired upon and had two men killed and two 
wounded. The boat then returned to port. Sometime in 
January, 1815, a transport from Halifax, with a re-inforce- 


ment of two hundred and fifty soldiers for the garrison at 
this place, was chased ashore, not far from here, by three 
American privateers, and lost. The troops, however, got 
safely to land and marched to town. [Niles' Register, Vol. 
8, p. 108.] 

During the whole time of the British occupation, no 
attempt was made on the part of either the State or United 
States authorities to regain possession of the place. The 
question was discussed in the Senate of the commonwealth, 
but it Avas decided that any attempt to recover the place, 
even should it succeed, would involve too much bloodshed. 
The National government would probably have attempted 
the expulsion of the enemy from the place, had it not been 
for the refusal of Governor Strong, of Massachusetts, to 
assist. However cogent may have been the reasons on the 
part of the Governor, his indisposition to make any attempt 
to regain the place, caused him to be very unpopular, not 
only in portions of his own State, but pretty generally 
throughout the country. He was dubbed "• the Hero 
of Castine," and according to the National Advocate^ it 
was proposed by the inhabitants of the District of Maine, 
to present him with a sword " as a mark of their estimation 
of his patriotic and gallant defence of Castine, and the 
prompt and efficient protection he afforded that District 
when invaded by the enemy." The sword was to be con- 
structed of the best tvhite pine, and to be ornamented with 
appropriate emblems ! [Niles' Register, Vol. 7, p. 280, 
and Vol. 8, Supplement, p. 187.] During this time our 
citizens had, naturally, to endure very many inconveniences 
and annoyances, especially from officers like Barrie, Cap- 
tain of the Dragon^ a rough sailor, who " was a total stran- 
ger to literature, to every generous sentiment, and even to 
good breeding." Notwithstanding these inconveniences, 
however, there was much, in the rapid growth of business — 
in the social amenities observed by some high-minded and 
generous-dispositioned officers, both of superior and infe- 
rior rank — and in the amusements afforded by the mere 
presence of so large a number of people, as was at that 
time here, to render the period one of some considerable 
gayety. No regret was experienced, however, by the 
majority, when at length — April 15, 1815 — the garrison 
was evacuated, and the town resumed its usual intercourse 
with its neighbors. 

After Fort George was evacuated by the British, our 


forces took possession, and a company was sent here to gar- 
rison it. About the year 1818, a Board of Engineers was 
appointed by the United States Government, to survey the 
Coast of Maine, with a view to fortifying it. This Board 
reported in favor of abandoning Castine, and fortifying 
Bucksport Narrows. Accordingly, in March, 1819, the 
garrison was evacuated by our troops. Captain Leonard, 
and Lieutenant Mclntyre, were the officers in command 
here at the time, and Doctor William Ballard, the Surgeon. 

There was in Penobscot, at this time, and had probably 
been for some years, a company of militia. About this 
time it was commanded by Captain Eben Hutchings. We 
have been unable to ascertain any further particulars in 
regard to it. 

The organization of the Artillery company— mentioned 
in the first part of this chapter— was kept up for quite a 
number of years after the evacuation of the town by the 
British.* This company mustered in Brooksville, Septem- 
ber 18, 1834, under the command of Captain Eben P. 
Parker, and the members were paid fifty cents each for 
their services on that day. The following is the roster of 
the company at that time : 

Captain Eben P. Parker, Otis Morey, 

Edward Lawrence, William F. Nelson, 

William Jarvis, Thomas A. Murch, 

William Averill, Reuben Turner, 

Rufus P. Parker, James Turner, 

Otis Hatch, John Bridges, 

Daniel Moore, Miles Gardner, 

Stephen Witham, Robert Stockbridge, 

John Blake, Jr., Isaac Stockbridge, 

Robert C. Straw, Benjamin Wilson, 

Darius Lawrence, Zimri Bryant, 

Ithiel Lawrence, Eldridge Bridges, 

John Wilson, John B. Wilson, 

David C. Wilson, James Foster, 

Jotham Gardner, Jonathan L. Moor, 
Robert Moor. 

How long the organization of this company was kept 
up, is uncertain ; but the military spirit of the community 

*Ciipt:un Charles Rogers, the present Postmaster at Castine, was at one 
time in command of this company, but is unable to give the date in which he 
held that office. 


was preserved and fostered by the formation^ about this 
time, of a company of Light Infantry, by the name of the 
Hancock Guards. 

They constituted Company " D " of the First Regi- 
ment, First Brigade, Tliird Division of the State Militia. 
No account of this company is to be found prior to the 
year 1839, and the opinion of former members is that it 
was formed that year. On February 17th, of this year, 
the State, fearing an invasion', on account of the difficulties 
with England, in regard to the settlement of the North- 
eastern Boundary question, ordered all the Militia to the 
Northeastern frontier. Twenty-one members of Company 
D went to Aroostook County, and performed military 
duty for some two months — though they saw no enemy.* 
This calling out of the State Militia is popularly known as 
the " Aroostook War," and has to this day, rather unfairly, 
we think, been the source of much amusement and raillery, 
at the expense of those who participated in it. It cer- 
tainly required no small degree of courage, to brave the 
deep snows and excessive cold of an unbroken wilder- 
ness, in the most Northern portion of the United States, 
for the express purpose of meeting, as they supposed, an 
armed foe. The men who could cheerfully do this, would, 
without doubt, have acquitted themselves honorably in 
actual battle, had occasion required. The expenses of this 
Company cost the town- the sum of three hundred and 
ninety-six dollars and thirty-seven cents, which amount 
was, however, reimbursed by the State. The following 
bill and vouchers show to whom this money Avas paid, and 
for what purposes : 



Upon Requisition of 17th February, 1839. 


Feb. 17th. For am't of H. Rowell's bill, 832.72 

" 19th. ^' " " Witherle & Jarvis's " 34.92 

" " " " " William Chamberlain's " 52.64 

'' '* " " " Adams & Gay's " 35.60 

" " " " " J. Hooper, J r's, " .55 

•The namos of those members of Company D, who went to the Aroostook, 
will be fuiiud in Part III. 



Feb. 17th. 



of Richard Hawes's 



" 21st. 



" H. M. & J. J. Hyde' 

's " 


" 22d. 



" Pond & Johnson's 


(I li 



*' Joseph Bryant's 


(( a 



" Joshua Norwood's 


" 23d. 



" John A. Avery's 


" — 



" Fayette Buker's 


Marcli 11th. 



" D. Montgomery's 


Upon Requisition of 9th of March, 1839. 
March 13. For amount of Charles Rogers' bill,19,68] 1363.75 
" interest upon 1363.75 to Feb 13, 
1840—11 mos., 120.00 

" " commissions to Selectmen upon 

purchases, &c., .05 per cent, 18.18 


Contra Cr. 

By amount of sales of camp utensils, &c., returned, $5.56 


The undersigned, a majority of the Selectmen of the 
town of Castine, hereby certify that the expenditures 
charged in the foregoing account, were made for the pur- 
pose of furnishing a detachment of the Militia belonging 
to said town, which were ordered into actual service by 
the authority of the State, in February and March last, 
with transportation, supplies of provisions, camp equipage, 
and camp utensils, as provided by law ; and that the 
account is just and true, according to our best knowledge 
and belief. 

C. J. ABBOTT, ) Selectmen of 


From the accompanying account, certificates, and vouch- 
ers, it appears ' the number of men for which transporta- 
tion was furnished' was eighteen, and with Captain Wing, 
nineteen. One man and a one-horse team to Milford 
from Castine, forty-seven miles ; one man and a two-horse 
team to Houlton, from Castine, one hundred and sixty 
miles. The name of the Commanding Officer — late Cap- 
tain — now Lieutenant Colonel Win^. 


The number of men for which supplies were furnished, 
was eighteen, and with Capt. Wing, nineteen. 

Supplies commenced February 21st, 1839, and those 
furnished were consumed mostly by the tenth of March. 

The camp utensils will be found in the several vouchers 
— chiefly in the bills of H. Roweil, R. Hawes, and Adams 
& Gay — and those returned in the memoranda of William 
Chamberlain, auctioneer. 

Upon Requisition of 9th of March, 1839, three soldiers, 
accompanied by Mr. Charles Rogers, one of the Select- 
men, went to Bangor. Mr. Rogers paid for their board 
while there, in preference to purchasing rations, etc., and 
the charge appears in his bill. 

I hereby certify that the camp utensils, supplies, ser- 
vices, &c., charged in the several bills in the foregoing- 
account, under Requisition of 17th February, 1839, were 
actually furnished for myself and eighteen men from said 
Castine, of the Hancock Guards under my command, and 
that Fayette Buker, with his one-horse team, and David 
Montgomery, with his two-horse team, attended said 
troops with said camp utensils, supplies, &c., to wit: 
Fayette Buker from Castine to Milford, forty-seven miles ; 
and David Montgomery from Castine to Houlton, one 
hundred and sixty miles, and that the certificate marked 
A, signed by William Chamberlain, contains a true list 
of the camp utensils returned. 

CHAS. H. WING, Capt. of D Co., L. Inft., 

1st Regt., 1st Brig., 3d Division. 

We hereby certify that the disbursements for necessary 
supplies of transportation, provisions, camp equipage, and 
camp utensils, charged in the foregoing account, were 
actually made, and are agreeable to the provisions of law, 
and that said account is just and true. 


C. J. ABBOTT, } Selectmen of 


(Dated) January 20th, 1840." 

The next reference to this company is to a meeting of it 
in 1840. when they offered to do duty for the town as 


Engine Men. The following letter was sent to the Select- 
men of the town: 

"At a meeting of the Hancock Guards, on Monday, the 
fourth inst., a qitestion was laid before said H. Guards, by 
Captain O. Hatch, ' whether or no the said H. Guards 
would volunteer themselves to do the duty of Engine 
Men, for the town of Castine ? ' The above question was 
tried by a vote of said H. Guards, and decided in the 
affirmative. And said H. Guards, therefore, volunteer 
themselves to do the duty of Engine Men. By so doing, 
the}^ do not wish to injure any one, but have only the 
public good in view. We, the subscribers, were chosen to 
lay the above proceedings before the Board of Selectmen. 
D. S. O. WILLSON, ) Committee for 
OTIS HATCH, \ H. Guards." 

No further reference to this company is to be found, but 
it is most likely that its organization was not long kept up. 

On July 17th, 1858, forty-eight citizens — including a 
number of the prominent men of the town — petitioned the 
Governor and Council for authority to be organized into a 
military company, by the name of the Castine Light 
Infantry. On September 22d, an order was issued by 
the Governor, granting the petitions and assigning them, 
under the designation of Company " B," to the first Regi- 
ment, first Brigade, and seventh Division of the State 
Militia. On August 3d, a temporary organization was 
formed, and upon August 12th, a requisition was made 
upon the Arsenal-keeper at Portland, for arms and equip- 
ments. On the thirty-first of the month, the company 
joined the Encampment at Belfast, and were the recip- 
ients of much praise, as well as of a beautiful bouquet, 
presented to them by the ladies of Belfast. At a meeting 
of the company held October 20th, Adjutant General 
Webster presided, and the company was legally organized 
by the election and commission of the following officers, 
viz : — Samuel K. Devereux, Captain ; Charles W. Tilden, 
First Lieutenant : Stephen W. Webster, Second Lieuten- 
ant ; Alfred F. Adams, Third Lieutenant ; John B. Wilson, 
Fourth Lieutenant. The fourth of July, 1859, was cele- 
brated by the first appearance of this company in uniform. 
We quote the proceedings of that day from the records of 
the company. 


*' After marching through many of the principal streets, 
received a pretty thorough drill upon the common, where 
many of our ' noble women' were assembled for the pur- 
pose of presenting us with a beautiful silk banner. Miss 
Helen S. Bridgham, from whose hands we received the 
same, made a very inspiring and appropriate speech, to 
which Mr. John M. Dennett, our faithful Standard Bearer, 
replied in a few well chosen and happy remarks. After 
receiving our banner, we proceeded to the Universalist 
churcli where we were favored with an oration by Reverend 
Mr, Ives, of the Congregational church, which was truly 
worthy its author. We dined at our armory, and after din- 
ner, listened to a number of excellent toasts from friends who 
were invited to partake with us. Concluded the celebra- 
tion by a social dance and a good time generally, at our 
armory, in the evening." On the twenty-eighth of the 
same month, this company attended the Centennial Cele- 
bration at Fort Point. October 4th, 1859, they attended a 
Muster at Bangor. On October 20th, they celebrated the 
anniversary of their organization by a march to North 
Castine, where they were received by their friends, and 
entertained with a collation at the house of Mr. Emerson. 
On June 18th, 1860, the company assembled for the pur- 
pose of target shooting. The first prize at this contest, a 
SILVER CUP, was awarded to James C. Collins, wlio made 
the best average shots. The second prize, a large silver 
SPOON, was awarded to William M. Lawrence. The third 
prize, "a nicely marked and valuable tin cup, manufactured 
by Messrs. B. & B. — was, after due consideration, solemnly 
awarded to Lieutenant J. B. Wilson." Jul}^ the fourth, 
of this year, the company spent in Belfast, as the guests of 
the " City Grays." The last record of this company is 
dated April 26th, 1861, and was written only a short time 
before it left town to join the army. When the first call 
for troops was made, at the breaking out of the War of the 
Rebellion in 1861, this company volunteered its services, and 
was the first company to start for the rendezvous of the 
Second Regiment. Soon after leaving the State, Captain 
Devereux received an appointment as Collector of Cus- 
toms at this port, and consequently resigned his commission 
in the army, and Lieutenant Tihlen was promoted to fill 
the vacancy thus occasioned.* The hist record in the jour- 

*Ca])taiii Dovcrciix received his anpoiutmcnt its Collector, and left the 
Rej^itticut while at Willetls' Point, N, Y., en route for Washington, D. 0. 



nal of this company, was left unfinished, but its subsequent 
history, during the war, forms no unworthy portion of that 
of the Second Maine Regiment, and is to be found in the 
records of that regiment. For further information in 
regard to its particular members, the reader is referred to 
the Roll of Honor, in Part III. 

The towns whose history is being narrated, were all three 
intensely patriotic, and their efforts to sustain the authority 
of the government and the supremacy of the Union, place 
them in the front rank of the towns of this State. This 
unhappy contest is, however, of too recent occurrence to 
require, in this place, any lengthy account of all that was 
done by the towns referred to, either in their corporate 
capacity, or by their individual citizens. The following 
statistics, though, will show that no unfair claim of supe- 
riority is made over many towns of the State, and will 
afford a fitting close to the military history of these towns. 
They are taken from the published reports of the Adjutant 
General of Maine. 

Town Credits. — (Including Call of '63.) 

Brooksville, _ _ - - 130 men. 

Castine, _ _ - - 167 men. 

Penobscot, , - _ _ 158 men. 


445 men. 

Town Aid to Families, from 1862 to 1866. 






Number of 




Number of 







Town Bounties, up to 1865, Inclusive. 

Brooksville, . . - - $22,086.00 

Castine, - - - - 15,834.07 
Penobscot, ($23,782.00, reimbursed by State, 

to the amount of $600,) 23,182.00 




Amount of MoNEr Donated by Citizens, &c. 





















U. S. Sanitary Com- 





U. S. Christian Com- 





To soldiers in Maine 





To General Hospi- 





To Regt. Hospitals 

and Individuals, 




To New York, Phil- 

adelphia. Bosion, 

and other places, 




$1,450 $1,400 $2,850 

♦Amount not given in Adjutant General's lieport. 

170 HISTORY or cAsTt^E^ 



Natueal Advaktages, and Early Trade.— A Bill 
OF Sale, etc., in 1779.— -Provisions in 1781.— The 
Value of Labor in 1783. — Business Men of the 
Town, from 1799 to 1814. — Business During the 
British Occupation, 1814-15.— Duties on Goods. 
Smuggling. — Application of Certain Merchants 
TO Congress for Relief. — Report of Congres- 
sional Committee. — Price Current in 1828. — 
Customs and Revenue. — Navigation. — Corpora- 
tions AND Manufactures. — Town Valuation. — 
The Seasons of Greatest Prosperity of the 
Town, and Causes of its Decline. 

At a very early elate the French voyagers found the 
region of Pentagoet an excellent location for fishing, and 
for trading with the Indians. The Plymouth Colony 
recognized the commercial importance of the place, and 
carried on here a prosperous trade with the natives, for a 
period of nine years. Its importance as a trading post, even 
more than its advantages for military purposes, induced its 
capture by the French under Aulney. The Baron de St. 
Castin was also, doubtless, influenced by the natural advan- 
tages afforded for trade, to make this his residence. The 
fisheries are described as abundant in 1670, though the 
privilege of fishing was only granted by the English upon 
the payment of a duty of twenty-five crowns — equivalent 
to about thirty dollars — upon each boat. In the year 1698 
one Caldin (or Alden,) traded here — bought furs of and 
sold goods to a son-in-law of Castin, and others. The price 
of beaver skins at this time was from fifteen to fifty cents, 
according to the quality. During the period of the Revolu- 
tionary war there was, in all probability, no business car- 
ried on here but farming and fishing — except such as would 
necessarily follow a military occupation of the place. The 
following bill of sale, of that period, may prove not un- 
interesting : 


"Majorbaguaduce, January 21, 1779. 

Received of Mr. Jeremiah Wardwell, the sum of two 
hundred pounds, Lawful money, in full for one-half part of 
my Jebacco Boat, that I bought of Capt. Mark Hatch, 
with her Rigging, Sails, Anchors, and all other appurten- 
ances belonging to the same, which I warrant and defend 
from all persons whatsoever, as witness my hand. 


Witness, Aaeon Banks. 

N. B. If you are a mind to sell the boat, please to sell 
my part with yours." 

A considerable portion of the clothing worn at this time 
was purchased at Halifax, and the following bill will give 
some idea of the cost of different articles of apparel : 

"July, 1779. 
To cash paid Grant & Clearing for 2 ps. 

Linen and ps. Calaminca, <£lo lis. 2d. 

To cash paid for 3 White Cloaks, 3 16 6 

To do. do. 3 Hats, 2 9 
To do. to Mr. Schwartz for 2 

Suits Cloth, trimmings, &c., 13 1 8^-" 

The cost of living, in 1781, can be seen from the following 
list of the prices of a few staple commodities : 

Pork per lb., 6^ cts. 

Pease " quart, 3 " 

Butter " lb., 16^ " 

Flour " 112 lbs., $5.33 « 

At what time the first store was opened in this vicinity, 
it is impossible to ascertain. It was probably some 
years prior to the incorporation of Castine, and very likely 
even before the incorporation of Penobscot. Daniel Low 
had a tannery here as early as 1784. The following copy 
of an account will give some idea of the value of labor, &c., 
at this period : 

"Majorbigwaduce, December 4, 1783. 

Findly McCullum to Jeremiah Wardwell, Dr. 

To Cutting timber and hauling and building 

a Hovel and covering," and fix for tving 

Cattle, 30. Halifax Currency "' XI. 10s. Od. 















, 18s 

1. 2d. 


To building a yard for liay 10, £0. 10s. Od. 

To butchering two oxen 5 

To fetching liome your cows and 

calves from the Head of the Bav, 5 

Jan. 5th, 1784. To butchering a Cow f , 3 4 

To fetching one load of hay 

by water 10, 10 

16th. To cash sent to Brown to bear 

against the Proprietors 4-6, 4 6 

To hauling hay and tending cattle 

and sheep, 

To one load f of hay 40, 
MsLj. To shearing of your sheep, 4, 
1785. To wintering 3, year-olds, 20, 
May 24, To shearing sheep, 4, 

To 400 of hay |, 
1793. To one more boat and sails, 3-15, 
May 8th. To an order from Woodman, 49, 

Credit to Findley McCullum, Majorbagaduce, 1784. 

By 5 bushels of wheat, 7, 8, 1£ 15s. Od. 

By 6 bushels i of Rye, 5, 
Sept., by 1 cow, 80, 

By two lambs sold, 10, 
Oct. 10, by one calf, 20, 
Dec. 26, 1788, by three sheep, 20, 

12£ 00s. 3d." 

In the year 1799, David Howe, Otis Little, David John- 
ston, George Haliburton, and James Crawford, sold miscel- 
laneous goods, and the first named is known to have had con- 
siderable trade with the Indians ; Holbrook & Martin had 
a hat store ; Isaac Stockbridge carried on the sail making 
business ; William Wetmore practiced law, and Oliver 
Mann was the first settled physician — although Doctor 
William Crawford had practiced in this region during the 
ante-manicipal period. 

In the year 1800, Doctor Moses Adams commenced 
practice here, and William Abbott, Esq., opened a law 
oftice near Woodman's tavern. 










In 1802, Mr. Richard Hawes commenced trade here. 
There were also, at this time seven warehouses here: a tan- 
nery, kept by Mr. Freeman; a rope-walk, by Mr. ISamuel 
Whitney, and several saw and grist mills. 

In 1809, Doctor J. Thurston settled in town. This year 
Mr. Bradshaw Hall commenced the pump and block mak- 
ing business ; Mr. Noah Mead had a hardware store ; Mr. 
William Allison, a chair manufactor}^ ; Enis Barr opened a 
sail loft ; and Messrs. Judkins & Adams, William Witherle, 
and Samuel Adams, were in trade here. 

In the year 1810, Messrs. Doty Little, Daniel Johnston, 
Samuel Littlefield, Jonathan L. Stevens, John Brooks, 
John A. Smith, David Howe, Hosmer & Moor, Otis Little, 
Bradford Harlow, Judkins & Adams, Witherle & Jarvis, 
Andrew & David Allison, Hooper & Fuller, Joseph Cleave- 
land, Stevens, Rowell & Co., and James Crawford — seven- 
teen in all — were in trade here. [See advertisements in 
Castine '•'■ JEaffle,'^ 1810.] Brick making was also carried 
on quite extensively this year, by Mr. Mark Hatch; and 
there was a tannery here, owned by Mr. John Wadlin. 
The business at this time was principally in West India 
goods, rum, fish and groceries. 

During the British occupation of the town — in 1814 and 
'15 — large, and almost daily importations of English goods 
were made here. One vessel, captured on her way to this 
port by a barge commanded by Major Noah Miller, of 
Lincolnville, carried a cargo invoiced at forty thousand dol- 
lars. Another, captured on her way hither from Halifax, 
had a cargo valued at twenty thousand pounds. The 
schooner Betsey tf Jane^ taken on her way here from St. 
John, had dry goods valued at one hundred and fifty thou- 
sand dollars. Another schooner, taken on her way from 
Halifax, carried one hundred and forty cases of dry goods, 
twenty barrels of sugar, and some glass and hardware. A 
brig, bound from here to Jamaica, with fish and lumber, 
was also taken. [Niles' Register.] Provisions and lumber 
were brouglit here to market and exchanged, at high prices, 
for European and Colonial produce. A great trade was 
carried on with all the surrounding country — as far up the 
river as Bangor, and to the eastward as far as the Union 
river — but more particularly with the inhabitants upon the 
western side of the Penobscot. The town at this time was 
overilowing witli people, and there was a daily stage be- 
tween liere and Hallowell. [ Providence Patriot, Jan. 28th, 


1815.] Foreign goods and merchandise at this time were 
abundant and cheap, but live stock was in great demand, 
and high. The Custom-house was seized by the British, 
and duties levied by them on all imports and exports. In- 
surance upon vessels from Halifax was, at this time, twenty 
per cent. The duties on rum were thirty-eight cents on a 
gallon, and on brandy and gin, forty-three cents. Molasses 
retailed for seventy-five cents per gallon. Fresh beef sold 
for from five to six dollars per hundred-weight. Flour was 
the same in price as at Boston. Merchantable boards 
were worth ten dollars per thousand. Calicoes are said to 
have sold for one dollar per yard. As the English would 
receive nothing but sjyecie — except provisions and lumber — 
so great an amount of it was brought hither that quite a 
number of banks, in different parts of the State, were 
obliged, in consequence of it, to suspend payments. The 
duties on dry goods, required at this time from the residents 
of the place, were two and one-half per cent. From non- 
residents five per cent, was demanded. As duties were also 
demanded by the American authorities, upon these same 
goods when they were landed at other points, the natural 
consequence was that a vast amount of smuggling was car- 
ried on between this and the neighboring towns. In the 
winter time dry goods were carried across the river, at 
different places on the ice. This was generally done at 
night, although occasionally one would be found venture- 
some enough to attempt it in broad da3^-]ight. There are 
some now living who assisted in these exciting midnight 
adventures, and many others who have listened to the 
recital of them at the paternal fireside. 

After the departure of the British forces, the Collector 
of Customs, upon his leturn to tliis place, conceived it to 
be his dufy to collect the duties upon all the imported goods 
he could find in the town. Some of the merchants positive- 
ly refused to pay these duties, but many of them furnished 
bonds. The Supreme Court of the United States sustain- 
ing the action of those who refused payment, the individuals 
who had paid, or were under bonds to pay, petitioned Con- 
gress for relief. The matter was referred to the Committee 
of Ways and Means, which on January 15th, 1824, reported 
as follows: — 

"The Committee of Ways and Means, to whom was 
referred the several petitions of Joshua Aubin, Nathaniel . 
W. Appleton, and C. H. Appleton, John Tappan, William 


Whitehead, James Crawford, Daniel Johnston, Otis Lit- 
tle, David Howe, Thatcher Avery, Ebenezer Hodsdon, 
John Lee, Benjamin Haseltine, Samuel Adams, and James 


That the claim of these petitioners depends upon the facts 
and circumstances connected with what are commonly 
called the Castine cases; and, from the documents referred 
to the Committee, are substantially as follows: — 

Durino' the late war between the L^nited States and 
Great Britain, the town and harbor of Castine, in the col- 
lection district of Penobscot, were occupied by the forces 
of the enemy, from the first of September, 1814, until the 
twenty-seventh of April, 1815, and were in the entire and 
exclusive control, and under the jurisdiction of the said 

On the first of September, 1814, the Collector of the 
Customs for the district of Penobscot, removed, with the 
papers of his office, to Hampton, [Hampden ] on the western 
side of Penobscot river, and there continued to transact the 
business of the Custom-house, until after peace was restor- 
ed between the United States and Great Britain. Immedi- 
ately after the capture of Castine, the British government 
there established a Custom-house, or excise-house, and ap- 
pointed a Collector of the Customs, who from that time 
until the twenty-fourth of April, 1815, continued to receive 
entries of vessels and merchandise, conformably to the laws 
and regulations in the province of Nova Scotia. During 
this period many merchants residing at Castine imported 
goods, and entered them with said British Collector, paying 
duties thereon to the British government; and a part of 
said goods, on the return of peace, remained in Castine. 
The United States Collector, after the peace, but before 
the actual evacuation of Castine, established his office upon, 
or near the British lines, and required that all goods, of 
foreign growth or manufacture, which had been imported 
during the hostile occupation, and were still there, should 
})e entered as if then originally imported into the L^nited 
States in a foreign vessel, and threatened to seize and detain 
the goods, unless the OAvners or consignees, would immedi- 
ately pay, or secure to the United States, duties thereon as 
aforesaid. To avoid the great loss and injury which would 
have been sustained by a seizure and detention of said 


goods, the owners or consignees thereof, entered the same 
with said Collector, and gave bonds for the duties, includ- 
ing the additional duty for importation in a foreign vessel. 
At the time said bonds became due, some of the persons who 
had given them paid the same, trusting to the Government 
of the United States for restitution, while others refused 
to pay, and suits were commenced against them in the 
district courts of Massachusetts and Maine, for the recovery 
of the same, which suits were discontinued by order of the 
Secretary of the Treasury, in consequence of the unanimous 
opinion of the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United 
States in the case of United States vs. Rice, that the act of 
the Collector exacting said bonds was illegal, the goods not 
being liable for the duties to the United States. 

The petitioners are of the number of those who actually 
paid the duties to the Government before the suit against 
Rice, and before the decision of the Supreme Court, pro- 
nouncing their illegality. 

The Committee further report that this subject was 
brought before Congress in the year 1820, upon the appli- 
cation of Jonathan L. Stevens, and others, situated similarly 
with the petitioners in many respects, and on the eleventh 
of April of that 3'ear, an act was passed for their relief, and 
authorizing a refunditure of the duties, provided it should 
be proved to the satisfaction of the Secretary of the 
Treasury, that the persons named in the law were residents 
of Castine or Bucksport, or were purchasers from residents, 
of the goods on which the duties have been imposed. 

The Committee do not perceive that the residence of the 
importer, or owner of the goods, can vary the law applica- 
ble to the cases. The decision of the Supreme Court is, 
that duties could not be legally exacted upon any part of 
these goods by the United States, and it is presumed that 
those persons who voluntarily submitted to the authority of 
the custom-house officers, should not be placed in a worse 
situation, than others who refused to comply with the 
requisitions of the Collector. 

The Committee do not pretend to ascertain the principle 
upon which a previous Congress has decided, but believing 
all the cases to be governed by the same rule of law, they 
submit to the House the papers and documents they have 
been able to collect, and that the subject may be fairly con- 
sidered, they report a bill." [House Reports, 18th Con- 
gress, 1st Session.] 


In 1828, the first professional dentist took up his abode 
in town. The following list of the j)rices of various com- 
modities^ that year, will prove not uninteresting at the pres- 
ent time : 

Price Cueeent, in 1828. 

Beans, per bushel, _ _ _ _ $1.25 

Butter, per pound, _ _ _ .12 

Cheese, " " - - • - - .08 

Cofiee, " " . - _ .14 

Flour, " barrel, _ _ _ _ 5.25 

Corn, " bushel, . _ . .38 

Oats, " bushel, _ > _ _ .50 

Lard, " pound, - _ . .10 

Molasses, per gallon, - - _ - .28 

Spirits, " " - . from 35 to 1.20 

Sugar, " pound, - _ - _ .12 

Tea, " " - - - .50 

About the year 1831 or 1832, a new rope-walk, in place 
of that recently destroyed by fire, was erected by Mr. John 
Dresser. It was put up, at first, near the shore, but was 
afterwards removed to its present location. 

Customs and Revenue. 

A Custom House for the collection of revenue, was first 
established, under the authority of the United States, on 
July 31, 1789. The collection district included Thomaston, 
Frankfort, Sedgwick, and Deer Isle. The Collector was 
required to reside here. Mr. John Lee was Collector in 
1793, and was, probably, the first one appointed at this 
place, under the LTnited States government. Whether 
there was ever, prior to this time, any collection of revenue 
made here under authority of the Colonial or any foreign 
government, is not known ; but it is extremely improbable 
that such was the case. The place Avas made a Port of 
Entry in 1814. During the occupation by the British in 
the latter part of that year, a Custom House was established 
by them, and Willliam Newton was appointed Collector. 
In 1833, the United States l)ought of the Castine Bank 
Corporation, the portion of the County Iniildiug previously 


owned and used by the Bank. In 1846, the County Com- 
missioners refusing to make the necessary repairs — on 
account of the Courts being no longer held in this town — 
a bill was reported in Congress, appropriating one thousand 
and one hundred dollars for the purchase of a Custom- 
house. Accordingly, in 1848, the remainder of the build- 
ing, of which the United States already owned one-fourth, 
was bought of the County Commissioners. The present 
Custom-House and Post-Office was erected in 1870. Tlie 
first revenue cutter stationed here for the enforcement of 
the laws, and the prevention of smuggling, is said to have 
been the sloop Wealthy which was here about the year 


The first vessel built here, since the incorporation of the 
town, is believed to have been the schooner Nancy, owned 
by Hudson Bishop and Oliver Mann. She received a 
license as a coaster, from the Custom-house, in 1793. In 
the year 1799 there were sailing from this port, and owned 
here, wholly or in great part, — three ships, one brig, ten 
schooners and two sloops — a total of sixteen vessels — not 
including coasters, of which there were several. The ports 
to which they sailed were Liverpool, Barbadoes, Dominica, 
Antigua, Martinique, and Grenada. The amount of ton- 
nage taxed here in 1801, was one thousand six hundred 
and eighty-five and one-half. We have not been able to 
ascertain the name of the first packet to run between this 
place and Belfast, but there was one in 1811, that plied 
between these two places, that was called the Sally. The 
first steamboat ever known in these waters was the 
'"'•Maine,'''' commanded by Captain Daniel Lunt, which run 
between Bath and Eastport, touching at this place. She 
made her first trip May 22, 1824. On August 20, 1842, the 
steam frigate Missouri, arrived in this harbor, and remain- 
ed sometime on exhibition. About the year 1827, the 
steamer Hancock was built here by Noyes and Chamberlain. 
She was built very differently from modern steamboats, 
and had no boiler. Her steam apparatus was constructed 
on what is called, we believe, the ''Babcock" principle. 
Her machinery was put into her in Boston, and on her 
tri]3 down the harbor she gave out, and had to be towed 


l)ack to the city. Her machinery was afterwards changed. 
From 1830 to 1850, ship building flourished here. A great 
many ships and brigs, of large size, were built here, by the 
Adamses, Witherles, and others. Messrs. Brooks, Law- 
rence, and Noyes were the principal contractors and master- 
builders. The growth of navigation, not mily np and 
down the Penobscot, but also to this place, rendered the 
establishment of a light-house at the entrance of this harbor, 
a necessity. Accordingly, in the year 1828, the Dice's 
Head Light-house was built on the north side of the 
entrance to the harbor.* It was originally built of Avood, 
and was very shabbily constructed. It became so much in 
need of repairs, and so unsafe, that in 1858 it was torn 
down, and another one built in (or near) its place. The 
present building is a stone tower, sheathed with wood and 
painted white, attached to a dwelling of wood, one story and 
a half, painted brown. The light is a fixed white ., visible at 
a distance of seventeen nautical miles. The height of the 
tower, from the base to the focal plane^ is forty-two feet. 
The height of the lu/ht above the level of the sea is one 
hundred and thirty feet. The compass range of visibility 
is East by North, by Eastward to North. The lens appa- 
ratus is of the fourth order. 


About the year 1809, the Fort PoIiNT Ferry Company 
was incorporated. Mr. Elisha Leighton was the President; 
William Abbott, Esq., the Agent; and Thomas Adams one 
of the Directors of the company. The names of the other 
Directors are not known, but they are believed to have 
been, mostly, citizens of this town. An attempt was made 
by this company to convey passengers and teams across 
the river in a flat boat, carrying a sail, but it resulted in a 
failure, and horse-power was afterwards used. 

In 1810, the Castine Mechanic Association was 
incorporated for the purpose of the manufacture of the 
screw auger. At that time this was the only place in the 
world where this kind of auger was manufactured. The 
Meads having purchased the patent right some two years 
before, attempted to carry on the business alone, but after 
a trial of one year the above named association was formed. 

*NunK'd, i)robal)ly, :ifter the first scUlcr in that juirl of tlio lowii. Calff 
bpfllcd the word Uycc. 


In 1816, the Castine Bank was established, with a 
capital of ten thousand dollars. Daniel Johnston, Esq., 
was President ; John Brooks, Cashier ; and Samuel Austin 
Whitney one of the Directors. Who the other officers of 
the bank were, has not been ascertained. The bank closed 
up its affairs and relinquished its charter somewhere about 
the year 1830. 

In the year 1828, the Penobscot Steamboat Nav- 
igation Company was incorporated. It is believed to 
have been for this company that the steamboat Hancock^ 
referred to in a preceding page, was built. The company 
met with rather poor success, and did not have a very long 

About the year 1835, a company was organized for the 
purpose of carrying on a Steam Flour Mill. The build- 
ing was erected, three large boilers were introduced, and 
two run of stone. For some reason, however, the enter- 
prise did not prove a success. 

About this time, the firm of Hatch & Mead carried on a 
Chain Manufactory, for the making of cables for 
vessels. This business proved sufficiently remunerative 
and was continued many years. 

In the year 1849, two corporations were established in 
Brooksville, both having citizens of Castine amongst the 
number of their stockholders. The first was the Brooks- 
ville Manufacturing Company. The stock was divided 
into one hundred and seventy shares, and the amount of 
capital invested was five thousand and seventy dollars. 
The second, was the South Bay Meadow Dam Company. 
It had a capital stock of one thousand two hundred and 
fifty dollars, which was divided into seventy-seven shares. 

In the year 1867, the Castine Brick Company was 
incorporated. It had a capital stock of twenty thousand 
dollars, which was divided into one hundred and ninety- 
two shares. The following were its officers at that time — 
Seth K. Devereux, President ; Frederic A. Ilooke, Treas- 
urer; Seth K. Devereux, William H. Witherle, Samuel K. 
Whiting. Charles W. Tilden, Mark P. Hatch, and Fred- 
eric A. Hooke, Directors. This company still continues 
in a flourishing condition, and its business is, we are 
informed, steadily increasing. 

beooksville and penobscot. 181 

Valuation of the Town. 

The property of the town is shown by the following sta- 
tistics obtained from the tax lists. As these lists were 
made out somewhat differently in early than in later times, 
an exact comparison between the different kinds of prop- 
erty owned at different times, is a matter of considerable 
difficulty; but the total valuation at the end of each decade, 
will give the general rate of growth of the town. 

In 1797, the valuation of the town was as follows : — 
Polls, 156 ; Real Estate, $2,477 ; Personal Estate, $2,594 ; 
Income from professions, etc., $539 ; unimproved lands, 
$129 ; Total number of acres, 4,890 ; Total valuation, 
$5,739. In 1810, the total valuation was $26,187. In 
1820, $28,686. In 1830, $371,560. In 1840, $393,880. 
In 1850, $597,390. In 1860, the number of Polls was 269, 
and the total valuation was $812,840. As this valuation 
was excessive, it was afterwards reduced, and in 1870, the 
Polls numbering 258, it was $461,343. 

In the decade from 1800 to 1810, Brooksville constituted 
a part of Castine; and this fact must be borne in mind in 
reading the statistics of the property owned here in those 
years. The following description of the propertj^ in town, 
will give an idea of what constituted the wealth of that 
period, and also of the marked increase in the prosperity 
of the community. 

Description of Property, etc., Years 1800, 1810. 

Polls, . - - . 


Shops, _ _ - . 

Tanneries, _ , _ 

Ware-houses, - - - - 

Grist-mills,* - _ - 

Barns, - - - 

Rope-walks, - . - 

Saw-mills, _ - - - 

Other buildings, - 
Wharfage, superficial feet of f- 

*0ne of these mills was, probably, the ■\viiulm111 crectptl by Mr. JIark 
Hatch, one was oil" the neck, and the remainder in what is now Brooksville. 

fJames Crawford owned six thousand feet, John Perkins, live thousand 
feet, and Joseph Perkins, eight thousand feet. 

tNot given. 


Number or 

























Vessels, tonnage of 
Plate (silver and gold) oz. off 
Improved land, acres of 
Hay, tons of - 

Horses, _ - - - 

Oxen, _ _ _ _ 

Cows and steers, 

Swine, _ _ _ - 

Money at Interest (in excess of amount 
due) [1801] 




$3,150 13,700 

The amount of money at interest, in 1801, was in the 
hands of the following named individuals : — 

John Collins, 
George Haliburton, 
Joseph Perkhis, 
Stover Perkins, 
Joshua Woodman, 
Richard Hawes, 

had $600 in excess of his liabilities. 

200 " " " 

" 600 " " " 

u 1500 " " « 

u 100 " " " 

t; 150 i^ u u 


The amount at interest in 1810, was in possession of 
the following named : — 

Mark Hatch, had $500, 

in excess of liabilities. 

Hezekiah Rowell, ' 

' 1000 

Joseph Perkins, ' 

' 2400 

John Perkins, ' 

' 5000 

Robert Perkins, ' 

' 4000 

Isaiah Skinner, ' 


Sylvanus Upham, ' 


Benjamin Willson, ' 


Josiah Willson, ' 



A perusal of the preceding pages will convince any one 
that the most rapid improvement in the condition of the 
inhabitants, occurred during the first forty years. The 

♦Not given. 

fjolm Perkins and WaiTen Hall owned eighteen ounces each, and Samuel 
A. Whitney twenty ounces. These three owned at that time one-fourth of all 
the plate in town. 


sessions of the Court at this place during that period, as a 
natural consequence, caused a large number of people to 
congregate here twice a year. Most of these came from 
motives of curiosity or pleasure, but many because their 
attendance at court was necessary. This temporary increase 
to the population of the town, had, of course, a very 
favorable effect upon the business interests of the place. 
The occupation of the town, by the English, in 1814-15, 
however harrowing it may have been to the patriotic feel- 
ings of the citizens, helped to fill their purses, and gave an 
impetus to business that was felt long after the departure of 
the enemy, In somewhat later times, the geiieral interest 
in ship-building, which was felt throughout New England, 
was experienced here. The fitting out of vessels for the 
cod and mackerel fisheries, upon the Grand Banks, was 
also carried on here very extensively. 

Although Castine was, in times past, a peculiarly thriv- 
ing town, its commercial and business career has not been 
altogether uniform; and within the last twenty-five years, 
it has seen the greater portion of its business go to other 
places. The causes of its decline in prosperity have been 

The first shock it received was from the passage of the 
Embargo Laws in 1807-12. This was a serious infliction 
upon the business of the town, although it was partially 
made up, subsequently, by the advantages afforded by the 
British occupation. 

The next, and by far the most serious, injury occurred 
in consequence of the removal of the Courts to Ellsworth, 
in 1838. From this blow, the town has never fairly 
recovered. The decline in ship-building, and, still more 
recently, the repeal of the Act granting a bounty to fisher- 
men, were also severe injuries. 

The loss to navigation caused by the late civil war — 
which is said to have taken from town shipping to the 
value of one hundred thousand dollars — and the inability 
of our merchants — for lack of a near market — to compete 
successfully with the merchants of Cape Ann, engaged in 
the fishing business, in consequence of which the pursuit 
of that business from this port has been entirely given up, 
have almost completed the commercial ruin of the place. 




Walks and Deives. — Old French Fort. — Fort 
George. — Battery Furieuse. — Battery Penob- 
scot. — Old Windmill. — East Point Battery. — 
Wescott's Battery. — Battery Gosselin. — Bat- 
tery Sherbrooke. — Battery Griffith. — Site of 
THE Block House. — Fort Madison. — Other Bat- 
teries. — Trask's Rock. — Old Cannon. — Old Man- 
sions.— " Castine Coins." — Copper Plate. — "Cot- 
ton's Head." — Other Relics. 

There are, unfortunately, but few roads in the town of 
Castine. Starting from the Neck by the only road that 
leads from it, going down a long hill to the canal that 
severs it from the main land, and ascending the opposite 
hill, the tourist will come to the "crotch of the roads" 
where, in 1796 — eighty years ago — stood the little old-fash- 
ioned school-house of that period. Taking the right hand 
— or stage-road, he will pass along in full view of the Bag- 
aduce river, for a distance of two miles, when he will come 
to the crossing place of the Brooksville and Castine Ferry.* 

Continuing for about a mile farther — catching, as he pro- 
ceeds, occasional views of the same water where it is com- 
pressed by the hills into the "Narrows" — ^he will arrive at 
the North Castine Post Office. At this place the road to 
Penobscot leads off upon the nght. Keeping directly on, 
the next mile of his course will take him away from all 
view of the water; but the road passing, as it does, through 
a more woody country, offers a temporary relief to the eye, 
which is not unwelcome. After passing through the grove, 
he will arrive at a hill, upon the descent of which he will 
obtain a view of the Penobscot river, and Will perceive, upon 

. *This ferry is supported by the two towns jointly. Tlie ferryman also hav- 
ing what tolls be may receive. 


the opposite side, the fine hotel and the light-house at Fort 
Point. He has now very nearly reached the boundary of 
the present town, and, turning to the left, he will follow 
the telegraph or shore road down the Penobscot river, un- 
til he again reaches the stage-road upon which he started. 
In passing along the shore road he will be in constant view 
of the Penobscot river, and, in addition to the numerous 
vessels sailing up or down the river, he will be able to dis- 
cern in succession upon the opposite shore the towns of 
Prospect, Stockton, Searsport, and Belfast, and the beauti- 
ful island known as Brigadier's or Sears' Island. This 
route is known as the "ten mile square." 

If our tourist chooses, he can, instead of returning, fol- 
low the road up the river over Hardscrahhle Mountain, to 
the town of Orland — or, by turning off at the North Cas- 
tine Post-ofQce, he can go to the head of Northern Bay in 
the town of Penobscot. This latter trip, while giving him 
a view of the water nearly equal to either of the others, 
will take him over a rough and hilly road. While in Pe- 
nobscot, he can, however, visit without much trouble North- 
ern Bay pond — about one mile north of the bay — or, by 
taking the road to Bluehill, can see the Southern Bay and 
Pierce's pond — which latter, if in the proper season, he 
will find covered with the beautiful white pond lily (iV^m- 
phea odoratci). From this point he can proceed to Blue- 
hill Mountain, which is nine hundred and fifty feet in 
height, and which has been visible all the way from Castine, 
or he can return through the town of Brooksville, and cross 
the ferry to North Castine. 

Visitors to Brooksville, however, generally go from Cas- 
tine by water. To those fond of yachting, this is by far the 
best way, as the river and harbor have the merit of being 
unusually safe for boats of all descriptions. Sudden squalls, 
such as are often fatally experienced near high mountains, 
are extremely rare here. The principal places of interest 
in this town, are the high hill (Tapley's) in the northern 
part of the town, about a mile from West Brooksville; — 
the high hill on Cape Rozier called Bakeman's Mountain ; 
Walker's pond, — a large pond in the eastern part of the 
town ; Buck's Harbor, the Granite Quarries, and Orcutt's 
Harbor, in the southern part. These are all places well 
worth the trouble of visiting by any one possessing a fond- 
ness for natural scenery. 

A village which contains not a single street from all parts 


of which a pleasant view of the harbor cannot easily be ob- 
tained, requires no mention of its particular walks or 
drives, when all are alike pleasant. The peninsula of Cas- 
tine has, however, so many points of historic interest, as 
well as of natural beauty, that it deserves a somewhat ex- 
tended and more special notice. 

Forts, Batteries, Etc. 

By far the most important point in the village, is the 
site of the remains of an old fort — commonly called Cas- 
tin's Fort, from having been occupied by him. This fort 
was built by the French, as early, probably, as 1626, and pos- 
sibly some years earlier. It is generally supposed to have 
been built by Aulney; but the latter did not in all proba- 
bility build a fort, but occupied the one formerly in posses- 
sion of the Plymouth Colony. Without doubt, it is one of 
the oldest forts in the country. Its ruins are to be dis- 
tinctly seen in the southern part of the village. At the 
time of its surrender to Grandfontaine — which was three 
3'ears after Castin's arrival here — the fort contained four 
bastions, each of which measured, from the salient angle to 
the verge of the terrace inside, sixteen feet. The terraces 
were about eight feet from the curtains. It contained a 
guard-house ten by fifteen paces in extent ; a house of the 
same dimensions, containing three rooms ; a chapel, occu- 
pying ground four by six paces ; a magazine ten by thirty- 
six paces ; and another building of like dimensions with 
the magazine. Outside of the fort was a shed for housing 
cattle, and an orchard. Under a portion of the magazine 
was a small cellar^ and in this cellar a well. [French Doc- 
uments — Part III.] To inclose tlie dimensions specified 
above, the fort must have contained, at least, fifteen thou- 
sand three hundred square feet — calling a pace equivalent 
to two and one-half feet. As all the embankments to be 
seen in what is called Castin's fort, are only about twenty- 
eight and a half by forty-three and a half paces in extent, 
(seven thousand seven hundred and seventy-six square 
feet) they could not possibly have comprised the whole 
fort. Indeed, the whole of the present lot which incloses 
them is not large enough to contain all the buildings — 
with the requisite space around them. The ruins now to be 
seen, constitute, therefore, but a small portion of the origi- 
nal fort. They are, in fact, the remains of the magazine 


alone, and the embankments are the remains oi its /'''unda- 
tions. The discovery, not" many years ago, of an old well, 
almost in the center of the supposed fort, proves this con- 
clusion to be a correct one. This well contained powder- 
horns, arrow heads, hatchets, and other implements of a 
war-like nature.* 

The site of this fort was probably a favorite place of re- 
sort for the Indians, long before the advent of Europeans. 
This is inferred from the existence here of a vast shell de- 
posit — from which have been extracted pieces of flint, In- 
dian pipes, etc. 

Supposed Plan of Fort Pentagoet, — 1670. 


^^GAduCE RlVERr~ 

REFERENCES. — No. 1. Chapel. No. 2. Giianl-house. No. 3. Officers' 
Quarters, containing three rooms. No. 4. Magazine — with its enibauknient, 
and with well in center. No. 5. Store-house. No. 6. Platform overlooking 
the sea — on which two guns were mounted. No. 7. Row of Palisades in the 

*The annoyance caused by so many visitors to this well, as also its danger- 
ous condition, bus been the occasion of it:! being closed up. 


history of ca.stine, 
Plan of Fort George, — 1814. 

Next in importance to the fort just described, is one sit- 
uated nearly north from it, upon the high land in the cen- 
ter of the peninsula. It was built by the British in June, 
1779, and was named Fort George in honor of his Majesty 
George III. The fort is tetragonal in form, with a bastion 
at each of the four angles, corresponding very nearly with 
the four cardinal points of the compass. The curtains be- 
tween each bastion face, of course, northwest, northeast, 
southeast and southwest. The northeast and southwest 
curtains are each two hundred and thirty feet in length — 
within the area of the fort. The northwest and southeast 
curtains are two hundred and twenty-five feet in length. 
In the southeast curtain is the gateway, fifteen feet wide, 
facing the town. The moat or ditch is dug down to the 
ledge — the dirt thrown up to form the ramparts. On ac- 
count of this ledge, it was impossible, without the expendi- 


ture of much time and. labor, to dig the ditch deeper. In 
the west bastion was the well; in the south, the magazine. 
From the bottom of the ditch to the top of the ramparts, 
was twenty feet. The ramparts were six feet wide on the 
top, level, and guarded by fraising and palisades. The lat- 
ter were made with large cedar stakes but a few inches 
apart, one end inserted in the ramparts a few feet from the 
top, the other, sharply pointed, extended horizontally half 
way across the ditch — rendering an assault difficult and 
dangerous. The bastion containing the magazine, was 
fully occupied by it. The entrances to it were made of 
arched passages of brick and mortar, over which were lay- 
ers of logs — the whole covered with earth. A row of bar- 
racks was built j)arallel to the northwest curtain. After 
the British left, in 1815, the American government took 
possession of and garrisoned it. The fort was repaired 
and strengthened, and new barracks were erected — the 
foundations of which are still visible. This was the fort 
in which Wadsworth and Burton were confined, and from 
Avhich they made their escape. It was in this fort that the 
gibbet was erected upon which Ball, and, subsequently, 
Elliot, were executed. The fort is now, — minus the build- 
ings and munitions of war, substantially the same as when 
the British garrison left it, — having suffered comparatively 
little injury, either from climatic causes, or from acts of 
vandalism. A fine view in all directions can be obtained 
from its ramparts, and it serves, accordingly, the place of 
aoa observatory to the citizens. 

At the distance of five hundred and ninety yards south 
by east from Fort George, and a little over one hundred 
yards northeast of the old French fort, is the site of 
Battery Furieuse — which was erected by the British, in 
1779, to play against the battery held by the Americans, 
on Nautilus Island. This battery was the one mentioned 
in Calef s Journal, as the " half-moon battery, near Banks' 
house." Mr. Ilea's barn, on the corner of Court and 
Broadway Streets, is said to cover the site. 

Battery Penobscot, erected by the British, in the same 
year as the last named, is seven hundred and twenty yards 
east by north from Fort George. It is near the south- 
west entrance to the cemetery, and not far from the site 
of the old unndmill, which was built, according to tradi- 
tional accounts, by Captain Mark Ilatc-h, about the time 


of the first settlement of the town. The miller's name 
was Higgins ; and, according to the old rhyme, he must 
have had a deal of trouble with it : — 

" On Hatch's hill 
There stands a mill ; 
Old Higgins he doth tend it. 
Kvery time he grinds a grist 
He has to stop and mend it." 

This battery was rectangular in shape, considerably larger 
than the last mentioned, and its remains are plainly dis- 
cernible. It was called the Sea-men's Battery, by the 

At the extremity of Hatch's j)oint, not far from the 
sand-bar, is another battery, which was erected by the 
English, as a defence against the battery erected by the 
Americans, on the opposite side of the Cove. It was 
called the East Point Battery. It was built in the shape 
of a square redoubt. The site of it is rather difficult to 

A little less than half-way between this battery and 
Fort George is another — a nameless battery. At the 
right of the road leading from the peninsula, a short dis- 
tance to the right of the bi"idge, is also another. Both of 
these last mentioned batteries were made by the British, 
in 1779. 

A little south of the last mentioned battery, in the 
alders, is a stone work called the " Dutch OYen," the origin 
of which is popularly attributed to the Dutch, who captured 
the fort here, in 1676. It is, however, positively known 
to have been one of the baking places of the British, in 
1779, and was, perhaps, thus named by them. 

On the main land, opposite Hatch's point, is another, 
called Wescott's Battery, built by the Americans, in 1779. 

On the left of the road leading off the peninsula, at the 
brow of the hill, about four hundred and sixty yards 
northeast by east from Fort George, is Battery Gosselin— 
named in honor of the English General commanding the 
garrison in 1815. One hundred and sixty-eight yards 
north of Fort George are the ruins of Battery Sherbrooke, 
a semi -circular battery, one hundred and fifty feet in extent, 
enclosing a redoubt about one hundred and fift}^ feet 
inside, which measures forty-six feet. This battery was 
named in honor of the general who had the supreme com- 
mand of all the land forces of the English at this place, in 


1814. The two last named are small batteries, but are in 
good preservation, and easily to be found. 

A little more westerly, and about six hundred and six- 
teen yards from Fort George, not far from the dwellings 
of Messrs. Sawyer and Bevan, is a large redoubt, named 
Battery Griffith, in honor of Rear Admiral Griffith, who 
commanded the English naval force here, in 1814-15. 
The dimensions of this battery are forty-seven feet front, 
by ninety feet on the sides. It is in shape an irregular 
quadrilateral — like the accompanying figure. 

It enclosed barracks, the foundations of which measure, 
at present, sixteen by thirty feet. This battery commands 
the back Cove.* It is in a good state of preservation. 

Not far from the high bluff at the northern extremity of 
the peninsula, at the top of a steep hill, is the site of the 
Block House, erected in 1814. Only the foundation can 
be discerned. Northeast of the site of the Block House, 
at the very extremity of the bluff, are the remains of 
another small battery ; and nearly northwest from the same 
spot, and near the western extremity of the bluff, those of 
another, named the West Point Battery. These two 
batteries and the Block House were built by the British. 
The Block House was, doubtless, built as much for an 
observatory as for the protection it would afford. It was 
twenty feet square on the ground floor, the second story 
projected over the first, and " above this was an area j^ro- 
tected by continuing the sides of the building four feet 
higher, as a parapet." [Dr. Wm. Ballard, U. S. A. — 
Manuscript Sketch of Castinc] 

In the field at the lower end of Perkins Street, opposite 
the house of Mrs. Sylvester, is the largest battery of all. 
It was erected about 1811, by the Americans, in anticipa- 

*Tliis Cove ought to be called Wadsworth Bay, in lionor of the gallant 
officer who crossed it, when he made liis escape from Fort George. 


tion of a war with England. It was called, in honor of 
the President of the United States, Fort Madison. It wa» 
first occupied by a company of the 40th Infantry. It was 
afterwards occupied by a small detachment of the British,- 
in 1814-15, and it was probably from them that it received 
its designation of Fort Castine. Tliis name has often 
caused it to be confounded with the old French fort, 
which is commonly called Castin's fort. This fort, for 
such it now is, was rebuilt during the late civil war, and 
garrisoned by a company of United States troops. It is a 
square fort, somewhat similar to Fort George, though con- 
siderably smaller. It contains a magazine, and, in the last 
war, mounted five guns — two 24-pounders en barbette, and 
three 32-pound embrasures. This fort is generally called, 
now, the United States Fort, but was, at one time, called 
Fort Porter. In the rear of this fort, the English erected, 
in 1779, a small battery, which was taken from them by 
the Americans, when they landed. It is behind the barn 
of Mrs. Sylvester's house, but cannot now be distin- 

The above mentioned comprise all the forts and bat- 
teries known to have been built within the limits of the 
present town of Castine. The British, in 1779, built a 
small square redoubt, upon the height of Nautilus Island, 
which is still visible. This battery was the one first cap- 
tured by the Americans. The latter erected one soon 
after, upon Hainey's plantation — what is now known as 
Henry's Point — in Brooksville. It has been partially 
destroyed, by the crumbling of the bank. There was 
another small battery erected upon Cape Rozier, but the 
site of it is not known. [See map, on page 42, for loca- 
tion of these batteries.] 

About two-thirds of the way from the Light-house to 
the Block House Point, was the landing-place of the 
Americans, under General Lovell. A large white rock — 
the only white one, of any considerable size, upon the 
shore — marks the spot where the ascent was made. It 
was behind this rock that Trask, the young fifer, sat, while 
his comrades were engaged in the ascent. [See view on 
opposite page.] 

But few of the old guns or implements of warfare, used 
in former engagements, remain. The greater part of them 
have been taken away either by the State or National 


authorities. At the foot of Main Street is a cannon, that 
formerly belonged to the old ship Canova; and in front of 
Fort George is one of the 24-pounders used here in 1814 ;• 
and there are also two similar ones near the United States 
Fort. There were — some thirty years ago — two or three 
mates to these. They are said to have been taken from 
town by a party of young men from Belfast, who came 
over here a night or two before the Fourth of July, and 
carried them ofi in a scow. They are supposed to be still 
in Belfast. 

Old Mansions. 

Nearly all of the old houses built here, about the time of 
the incorporation of the town, have, like their occupants, 
passed away. The oldest house in town is believed to be 
that of the late Doctor Bridgham, though its exact age ia 
unknown. The red house, on Perkins Street, between 
Main and Pleasant Streets, is also quite an old house ; has 
probably stood more than ninety years. As it fronts to 
the south, there is supposed to have been, at the time it 
was built, a roadway there, running parallel to the present 
course of Pleasant Street ; but this is undoubtedly an 
error, as the oldest inhabitants have no recollection of 
such a street. This house was formerly owned and occu- 
pied by Doctor Calef, and afterwards by Doctor Mann. 
The long house on Main Street, commonly known as the 
" Mullett House," is also quite an old building, and was one 
of those occupied by the British, in 1812. The residence of 
Mr. Samuel K. Whiting, near the common, was also one 
of those occupied by the British. Until within a year or 
two, there was a pane of glass in one of the windows of 
this house, which had upon it, scratched with a diamond, 
by Lieutenant Elliott, of the British force, a representa- 
tion of the British flag, with the " stars and stripes " 
underneath, upside down, and the words, " Yankee doodle 
upset." The pane has been broken, but the design has 
been preseiwed. The Unitarian meeting-house is the 
oldest church building in this vicinity. It was built in 
1790. The interior has been remodeled, however, and 
the old galleries removed. The large house on Perkins 
Street, near the corner of Pleasant, called the " Cobb " 
House ; the " Ellis " House, on Water Street, nearly 
opposite the upper ship-yard ; and the " Hooke" house, 


on the same street, are all old buildings, and betoken by 
their size and shape, and the terraced grounds in front of 
them, the prosperity of their former owners. 


Among the most interesting relics of the town are the 
somewhat celebrated " Castine Coins."* 

A lengthy account of the discovery of these coins, and 
of the coins themselves, has been given by Mr. Joseph 
Williamson, in the sixth volume of the Maine Historical 
Collections. The following account is, however, mainly 
that of Doctor Joseph L. Stevens, who visited the spot at 
the time and obtained the facts from the party who found 
them. It is so interesting that we do not hesitate to insert 
it entire : 

" Late in November, 1840, a respectable farmer, Captain 
Stephen Grindle, of Penobscot, and his son, Samuel P. 
Grindle, now of this town, while hauling wood from the 
side of a rocky hill to the shore, distant about twenty rods, 
found a silver coin. It was a French crown. The path is 
impassable by wheels, requiring the wood to be ' snaked 
out' — as the rustic term is. This, of course, made a fur- 
row, in which the coin was found, new and bright as 
though recently issued from the mint- — although two hun- 
dred years old. This led to further search, and about twenty 
more were found. Night coming on, with severe cold, fol- 
lowed by snow, prevented any further discovery until the 
next spring. On searching then, another crown was found 
on top of a large rock, covered with moss, and by the side 
of this rock the bulk of the money was found. In April, 
1841, the writer, in company with some friends, visited the 
spot. It had been quite thoroughly dug over, but several 
French half-crowns were found by our party, without much 
searching, several feet from the rock, which on its lower 
side, shelved downwards towards the path. On going to 
the house, we examined all that had not been disposed of, 
and each of us purchased a number of them. The writer 
selected, as nearly as he could, a specimen of each, nine- 
teen in number. There must have been in all nearly, if 
not quite, two thousand pieces, but a large proportion of 
them were only small fractions of crowns and dollars. 
The French money largely predominated ; next, the old 

*These coins are now in possession of Doctor Joseph L. Stevens, but we 
are glad to learn that it is his intention to present them, eventually, to the 
Maine Historical Society. 


Spanish " cob " dollars*. These last were irregular in 
shape, and much worn, yet of full weight, as compared 
with present standards. The dates on these were mostly 
illegible, but the pillars, emblems of Spanish sovereignty, 
were quite evident. There were quite a number of Bel- 
gic and Portuguese coins. The most interesting of all 
were the Massachusetts pine-tree shillings and sixpences, 
all of date 1652, and in number about twenty-five or 
thirty. I saw but tivo English coins, shillings — worn 
nearly smooth. One, noAV in my possession, is of the 
reign of Carolus I. or II., and the other, owned by a lady 
in town, is of the reign of Jacobus I. As the latter 
monarch died in 1625, it must have been coined prior to 
that date, and is, probably, the oldest of the whole collec- 
tion. My theory was, at the time, that they were left 
accidentally by the Baron de St. Castin, when driven 
from here by the English, under Colonel Church, very 
near to the close of the seventeenth century. They 
probably followed the course of the river up to its head 
and source in Walker's pond. From the south side of this 
pond the carrying place is only half a mile to the waters of 
the ocean in Eggemoggin Reach. From thence to the 
French settlements in Acadia, there could be no difficulty."! 

In connection with the above, it may be stated that a 
gold coin was found in 1863, on the beach below the 
French fort. It was a " demi Louis d'or " of date 1642. 
The inscription on one side was, — "LVD. XIII D.G. 
FR.ET NAV. REX," and on the other, " REGN. 
VINC. IMP. CHRS." It was in good preservation, and 
but little worn. Its value, in gold, is two dollars seven- 
teen cents and five mills. There cannot be much doubt 
but that this coin was lost there by some one of the Castin 
family, or by some French settler, in the time of the resi- 
dence here of Monsieur d'Aulney. 

In the year 1863, a piece of sheet-copper, ten inches 
long by eight wide, was found in the ground near the 
United States Fort, by Mr. William H. Weeks. He, not 

♦These dollars were also ealletl " eross-moiH^v" from the cross on them. In 
Mexico, they were caUed " windmill antl cross-money." They do not seem to 
have been made by a machine, but seem like lumps of bullion flattened and 
impressed by means of a han)nier. They wcTe originally made for dollars 
and are what old writers called "pieces of eight." [Castine Coins, Vol. V'l, 
Me, Hist. Col.] 

tCastin left here in 1701. C:hurch did not \isit the place until ITOl. This 
money was, possibly, left thiire by some of the Castin family, when they 
departed for Canada, some, time during the latter year, or it might have been 
left there by the liaron Castin, when he took to the woods, at the time of the 
visit of Governor Andros, in IGSS. 


noticing anything peculiar about it, cut off a piece to 
mend his boat with. This fragment was recovered, how- 
ever, and has been fastened to the plate. The letters 
upon the plate, as shown by the illustration on the oppo- 
site page, are evidently abbreviations of the following 
inscription : 

1648, 8 Junii, Frater Leo Parisiensis, in Capucinorum 
Missione, posui hoc fundamentum in honorem nostrse 
Damse Sanctse Spei. Of which this is the translation: — 

" 1648, Jan. 8. I, Friar Leo, of Paris, Capuchin 
Missionary, laid this foundation in honor of our 
Lady of Holy Hope." This translation was first made 
by Mr. George H. Witherle, and his reading of it has 
since been confirmed by antiquarian scholars. In regard 
to this Friar Leo, nothing has ever been discovered. 
[Remarks on Inscription &c., in Proceedings of Am. Ant. 
Soc, April, 1864.] This plate was evidently placed in 
the foundation of some Catholic chapel, and, probably, of 
the one erected in Aulney's time, in the old French fort. 
How the plate came to be where it was found, will always 
remain a mystery. In all probability it was carried there 
by some one ignorant of its value. There is no great 
reason for believing that there were two chapels here at 
nearly the same time, and the only chapel we have any doc- 
umentary evidence of, was in the fort which tradition places 
some distance away from*where the plate was found. We 
have shown elsewhere the grounds for believing that the 
so-called French fort is really a portion of that fort. This 
plate is now in the possession of Mr. George H. Witherle. 

Amongst the "ancient relics" of the town, some men- 
tion must be made of a unique piece of home-made 
statuary, called " Cotton's Head." It is not the head of 
an individual of that name, but was sculptured by Mr. 
Isaac Cotton. He was a stone-mason by trade, and was 
engaged by the town authorities, somewhere about the 
year 1S20, to furnish a stone post for the corner of Main 
and Water Streets. He chiselled out a round stone, and 
surmounted it with the before mentioned idolatrous look- 
ing head. It stood on the corner for many years, but the 
post being at length broken, the head was cut off, and 
affixed to a square stone, which was set up in the same 
place. Having, after a while, got broken off again, it 
came into the possession of Messrs. Witherle & Co., and 
is now on exhibition at their store. 



FESSIONAL Men, Editors, etc., and of Men Promi- 
nent IN Nation, State, or Town. 

A complete genealoo-ical table of the former inhabitants, 
even of the town of Castine, would involve the unremit- 
ting labor of several years; would necessarily, under any 
circumstances, be more or less imperfect and incomplete ; 
and would, morever, be of no great interest to the majority 
of our readers. On the other hand, no history of a town 
is complete, that does not give some special account of its 
founders and note-worthy citizens. 

In tliis chapter, an attempt is made to observe a just 
mean, and to give such sketches — longer or shorter, ac- 
cording to the information aiforded — as is desirable and 
practicable, of those citizens who resided here during the 
war of the Revolution, and of the individuals subsequent- 
ly prominent in the theological, legal, and medical profes- 
sions, or who were distinguished in literary, mercantile, 
or political circles. If the names of any prominent citi- 
zens of former times do not appear iii this chapter, it is 
because the parties who might have furnished the required 
information, have failed to do so, or in a few instances, 
because no trace of the descendants of sucli persons could 
be found. 

Early Settlers. 

At the time of the English occupation in 1779, Messrs. 
Aaron Banks, John Jacolj Dyce, Mark Hatch, John Per- 
kins, and Joseph Perkins, lived upon the peninsula of 
Castine ; Mr. William Wescott resided on the mainland, 
just north of the present village. Mr. Archibald Hainey 
occupied the point of land opposite the village — in Brooks- 
ville — where the Misses Henry now reside ; and Mr. John 
Bakeman lived upon Cape Rozier. 

brooksville and penobscot. 109 

Bakeman, John. 

Mr. John Bakeman was born in Holland, in 1731. He 
married Christiana Smart, who was born in 1744, and who 
died in Brooksville, Aug-nst 4, 1818 — aged seventy-four 
years. Mr. Bakeman died, in the part of Castine which is 
now Brooksville, on October 29, 1800 — aged sixty-nine 

The subject of this sketch was a cousin to Martin Van 
Buren. He had two brothers. One of them settled in 
New York, and spelled his name Bateraan. The other, a 
clergyman, named Garret, came to Penobscot, but re- 
mained here only a short time. He returned to Holland, 
and was never after heard from. Mr. Bakeman came to 
this place at the same time as his brother Garret, pur- 
chased a tract of land on Cape Rozier, erected some mills, 
and engaged in ship-building. Mr. Bakeman's wife was a 
Tory, and it is a family tradition that, trusting in her sym- 
pathy for the English cause. General McLean, at the com- 
mencement of the siege, intrusted to her care a large 
quantity of gold, which was honorably returned to him after 
the siege was raised, notwithstanding that Mr. Bakeman 
espoused the cause of the Federalists, and that his house 
was used as a hospital for the woimded Americans. After 
the contest had ceased, some English soldiers were sent 
over to seize Mr. Bakeman, but he, having timely warn- 
ing, had escaped in a boat. A few days later, the English 
seized his stock of cattle, about twenty in number, and 
over one hundred sheep. One of his daughters, at that 
time a little girl of some seven or eight years of age, often 
declared that she distinctly remembered hearing the soldiers 
say, while dressing the animals, " Won't we live fat now, 
all the way to Halifax ! " 

Mr. Bakeman went to Bath, Maine, where his family 
soon joined hini. He engaged in making salt from sea- 
water, at a place near Bath, called New Meadows. When 
peace was declared, he returned to Castine, but did not 
find even the foundation of his house remaining. The 
English had taken it down, and removed it to Castine 
village, and it was there rebuilt and occupied by Doctor 

Mr. Bakeman was a Justice of the Peace, and was 
much respected for liis sound judgment, and tlie judicnous- 
ness of tlie advice lie gave in all matters rclatinu' either to 


inclividnal or town interests. His death occurred so sud- 
denly from hemorrhage, that he was unable to give any 
information in regard to his property. His family had but 
little doubt but that he had gold and silver concealed 
about the premises, though having no proof thereof, they 
never made any very extensive search. Spiritualists and 
people with " divining rods," have, however, dug up a 
large portion of the field near where his house stood, 
though without success. 

After Mr. Bakeman's death, his oldest son, Francis 
Evans Bakeman, succeeded to the estate, and became a 
very successful ship-builder. During the occupation of 
Castine by the British, in 1814, his shipping was all seized, 
and nothing left him but his homestead. Many of Mr. 
Bakeman's descendants still reside in Castine and vicinity. 

Banks, Aaron. 

The subject of this sketch was born in York, Maine, 
June 1, 1738. He married Mary Perkins, of York, who 
was a sister of John and Daniel Perkins, of Bagaduce. 
His death occurred on the ninth of August, 1823, at 

At the age of twenty-one years, Mr. Banks enlisted in 
the provincial army, for the defense of the colonies against 
the French and Indians. He was first stationed at Fort 
Pownal, and assisted in building that fort, early in the 
summer of 1759. In July of that year, he was trans- 
ferred to General Amherst's command, and was with that 
command at the capture of Ticonderoga. He was also 
with General Amherst, at the capture of Montreal, Sep- 
tember 7, 1760. A treaty of peace was made at Paris, 
between England and France, February 10, 1763. In 
conseq[uence of this, Mr. Banks was honorably discharged, 
early in the winter of 1764. He, and twelve others, were 
obliged to walk through the wilderness from Montreal to 
York, in the depth of winter, with no covering for their 
couch at night but the " starry decked heavens," and 
depending for their food upon the game shot upon the 

In the spring of 1765, Mr. Banks brought his wife and 
infant daughter to Bagaduce. He is said to have bought 
the farm first settled by Reuben Gray, on the Neck — 


being that now principally owned by Charles J. Abbott, 
Esq. — and to have built his house near the deep gully, not 
far from Mr. Webb's hoiise. 

At the time of the skirmish at the half-moon battery, 
during the siege of 1779, Mr. Banks' house was burned by 
the Americans. He and his family were detained, for 
upwards of three weeks, as prisoners on board the British 
sloop North. After peace was declared, he moved to that 
part of Bagaduce which is now Penobscot, where he 
remained until his death. No descendants bearing his 
name exist at this day. His daughter Elizabeth, however, 
who was married to Colonel Jeremiah Wardwell, became 
the mother of a famil}- of seven sons and four daughters. 
She died in Penobscot, November 26, 1853, aged 89 years 
5 months and 21 days. 


Messrs. Cunningham and famil}^ Dyce and family, and 
Nathan Phillips, are referred to in the Orderly Book of 
Sergeant Lawrence, as being residents of this place, and as 
noted for their Tory proclivities. Mr. John -Jacob Dyce had 
a house situated somewhere near the old French fort, and 
owned the whole lower portion of the peninsula, which is 
named from him, " Dice's Head." His wife's name was 
Ockabena. Nothing further is known to the author con- 
cerning any of these persons, but it is not unlikely that 
they were driven away by the Notification of 1 784. 

Hainey, Archibald. 

Frequent allusion is made in the accounts of the siege of 
the town, to a family of the name of Hainey, but nothing 
is known about them except that Mrs. Hainey is spoken of 
as being a Tory. No reference to any such family is to be 
found in the town records of Penobscot or Castine. There 
was a man of that name, however, and probably a descend- 
ant of this family, living on Cape Rozier, some years ago ; 
and William and Edward Haney, of Penobscot, and Charles 
Haney of Belfast, are also descendants. 

Hatch, Mark. 

Mr. Mark Hatch, was born August 14, 1746, in the town 
of Scituate, Plymouth Count3% Massacluisetts, His wife's 
name was Abigail. She was born in Marshheld, Massa- 


chusetts, May 20, 1746, and died in this town on November 
30, 1831. Mr. Hatch was one of the four original settlers 
here prior to the Revolutionary war. He owned the north- 
eastern portion of the peninsula. He removed his family 
sometime after the British took possesssion of the place, at 
the time of the Revolution, but returned here about 1785. 
He is said to have been the builder of the Avindraill which 
formerly stood near the west entrance of the cemetery. 
He had four sons. Mark Hatch, Jr., was born at this place, 
November 6, 1771, it being then a part of Lincoln County ; 
Jonathan, was born August 28, 1774 ; John, was born 
October 19th, 1777 ; and James, October 21, 1779. He 
liad also three daughters ; Abigail, born March 9, 1783, 
died December 27, 1796 ; Eggathy Phillips, born April 19, 
1785 ; and Lucy, born March 20, 1787. Mr. Hatch, the 
father, died in this town, November 30, 1831. 

HuTCHiNGS, Charles. 

Mr. Charles Hutchings was born in York, Maine, Octo- 
ber 10, 1742. His mother d3dng during his infancy, he 
was brought up by his elder sister, until he was seventeen 
years old, when he enlisted in the army raised for the 
reduction of Louisburg, Cape Breton. He was with Lord 
Loudon, at Halifax. After the failure of this expedition, 
he sailed for Boston, and was wrecked on the Londorier, 
off Cape Ann. He was afterward at Albany, New York, 
where he was noted for his diminutive size, and great 
strength. He was honorably discharged at the close of 
the war, and returned to York, where he soon after married 
Miss Maiy Perkins. He moved to Penobscot, in 1768, and 
took up the farm now owned and occupied by his son, Eben 
Hutchings, who is now in his eighty-sixth year. 

During the siege of Bagaduce, in 1779, he, Avith Daniel, 
Isaac and Jacob Perkins, lay in ambush on Hainey's Point, 
and fired into the English guard-boat as it passed. They 
were informed against by a Tory, and Mr. Hutchings 
was obliged to take his family, consisting of his wiie and 
eight children, and flee for his life. He took a canoe, 
crossed the Penobscot river to Fort Pownal, and walked 
through the wilderness to Damariscotta, where he resided 
until the peace of 1783. In this journey through the 
woods, two of the children were so small that he and his 
wife were obliged to carry them all the way in their arms. 



They lodged on the bare ground. Their only cooking 
utensil was a camp kettle, holding about two gallons. 
Their only means of obtaining food, was afforded, by his 

The daughter Mary, is said to have been the first white 
female child, born of English parents, within the present 
limits of the town of Penobscot. 

Mr. Hutehings died in Penoljscot, in June, 1835, aged 
92 years and 8 months. 

Hutch TNGS, William. 

Mr. William Hutehings was l)orn at York, Maine, 
October 6, 1764. He died at Penobscot, May 2, 186G, 
aged one hundred and one years six months and tAventy- 
six days. His futlier, Chark'S Hutehings, inoved to Pk^n- 


tation Number Three, — now the town of Penobscot — 
when he was four years old. He was an eye-witness of 
nearly all the transactions connected with the siege of 
Majabagaduce, in 1779 ; and when the British were build- 
ing Fort George, he assisted in carrying the first log that 
was used in the southeast bastion. After the destruction 
of the American fleet, his father refusing to take an oath 
of allegiance to the British Sovereign, his family were 
obliged to flee to a place of safety. He went to Newcastle, 
Maine, where he remained until the close of the war, when 
he returned to Penobscot, and settled down upon the 
same farm that his father had formerly occupied. While 
at Newcastle, he voluntarily enlisted, though only fifteen 
years of age, into the service of the United States. His 
declaration, made for the purpose of obtaining a pension 
as a soldier of the Revolution, is on file in the Pension 
Office at Washington. According to this statement, he 
enlisted in a Massachusetts regiment, commanded by 
Colonel Samuel McCobb, and was in Captain Benjamin 
Lemont's Company. He Avas mustered in at Newcastle, 
in 1780 or '81, for six months service. He joined his 
regiment at a place known then as Cox's Head, upon the 
Kennebec river. He was stationed there during the 
entire period of his service, and was discharged at that 
place. He received a pension of twenty-one dollars and 
sixty-six cents per annum ; which was afterwards, in 
1865, increased to three hundred dollars — there being at 
that time but four Revolutionary soldiers surviving. His 
chief occupation in life was farming and lumbering, 
tliough he engaged somewhat in the coasting business. 
He was a member of the Methodist church, for many 
years. In the latter part of his life, he was a " total 
abstinence " man. He had one son, Eliakim, who served 
in the war of 1812. He had also a grandson, and several 
great grandsons, who served in Maine regiments, in the 
late civil war. 

At the commencement of our civil conflict, Mr. Hutch- 
ings took a decided stand in favor of maintaining, at all 
hazard, the supremacy of the union. It was his earnest 
wish that he might be spared to see the complete restora- 
tion of the country, and that wish was granted. 

In 1865, when over one hundred years old, he accepted 
an invitation from the municipal authorities of Bangor, to 
join in the celebration of the Fourth of July, in that city. 


A revenue cutter was detailed for his conveyance, and as 
be passed up the Penobscot river, the guns of Fort Knox 
fired a salute of welcome. The ovation, which was 
bestowed on the occasion, exceeded that ever before given 
to any person in the State. Multitudes rushed to catch a 
glimpse of the old man, and the sincere and grateful 
plaudits which constantly greeted him, as, surrounded by 
a guard of honor, he was escorted through the streets, 
constituted the marked feature of the day. His strengtli 
and power of endurance, under the excitement, were 
remarkable. At the close of the oration, which was 
delivered by Senator Hamlin, he responded at some length, 
to a toast. ' My friends told me,' he said, ' that the effort 
to be here might cause my death ; but I thought I could 
never die any better than bv celebrating the glorious 
Fourth.' " 

His funeral occurred Monday, May 7, 18G»>. Reverend 
Mr. Plummer preached the funeral sermon, from the text 
which had been selected by Mr. Hutchings himself: — 
Mathew xxii. 40 ; " On these two commandments hang all 
the law and the prophets." An address was afterwards 
made by Reverend Mr. Ives, of Castine. 

" One of the last requests of Mr. Hutchings was, that 
the American flag should cover his remains, and be 
unfurled at his burial. This was done ; and in the still- 
ness of a bright Spring afternoon, in the midst of an 
assembled multitude, upon the farm which for nearly a 
century had been his home, ail that was mortal of the old 
hero Avas removed from earthly sight, while the stars and 
stripes he had so long honored, floated above his grave."* 


In regard to ]\Ir. Finley McCullora, nothing is known, 
except that he is referred to in Calef s Journal, as one of 
tlie few individuals who were allowed access to the Fort 
at all times, Avithout a pass; and that he is mentioned in 
I'eters' field-book of the survey of Penobscot, as having 
settled on h)t Number Eighty-Seven, prior to the year 1787. 
Duncan McCullom — or Malcomb, as Peters spells it — 
settled on lot Numb(,'r Eighty-Eight. These lots were at 
the head of Northern Bay. 

*He %vas t)ip last X<'W Enp;liiiul ponsionor, and the last but oiio upon the 


206 history of castine, 

Perkins, Daniel. 

Mr. Daniel Perkins was a native of York, Maine, where 
he was born in 1754. He married Abigail Penney, who 
was of Welsh parentage, and very shortly after, came to 
Penobscot, to engage in farming, having previously spent 
one or two winters here, in lumbering. In the war of the 
Revolution, his sympathies for the Americans were so well 
known that, as he declined to take the oath of allegiance 
to the English Crown, he was for a time imprisoned, and 
then banished to the " Enemy's Countr3^" His cattle and 
crops were confiscated, and his house was taken down and 
removed to the " Neck," for barracks. At the close of the 
war, returning with his family from York — where they had 
spent that period — he again, himself, took down his house, 
moved it across the waters of the Bagaduce, and rebuilt it 
upon his farm, where lie spent the remainder of his life. 
He died in 1831, at the age of seventy-seven years. 

Perkins, John, 

Captain John Perkins was born in York, Maine, May 

21, 1745 ; and was married May 21, 1765, to Miss Phebe 

Perkins, of the same town. He died April 2, 1817, aged 

seventy-two years. His wife Avas born November 2B, 

1745, at York, and died March 22, 1811, aged sixty -six years. 

Shortly after their marriage, they moved to this town, 

where they remained until their death. They had ten 

children, viz : 

Lj'dia, — born November 22, 17G6 ; married to James 
Russell, March 26, 1782 ; died Sept. 10, 1815. 

Lucy,— born February 10, 1770 ; died May 4, 1782. 

Phebe, — born August 12, 1771 ; married Moses Gay, 
March 3, 1795 : died Februairy 11, 1843. 

Betsey, — born March 8, 1773 ; married Thomas Stevens, 
July 20, 1798 ; died December 27, 1849. 

Sally, — born August 10, 1775 ; married Elisha Dyer, 
November 'l7, 1796; died August 1, 1852. 

Ruth, — born November 6, 1777 ; married Samuel A Whit- 
ney, July 28, 1801 ; died September 15th, 1849. 

Temperance, — born June 2, 1779 ; married Daniel Johns- 
ton, Jan. 6, 1805; date of death unknown. 

Robert, — born November 5, 1781 ; married Miriam C. 
Plumraer, November 30, 1808 ; died March 26, 1854, 

Lucy, — born February 16, 1785 ; married Henry Whiting, 
March 27, 1808 ; date of death unknown. 


Poll J, — born November 15, 1787 ; married Frederic Spof- 
ford, April 9, 1811 ; date of death unknown. 
Captain Perkins was a very prominent man in the town, 
during its early municipal period, and was one of the 
Avealthiest of the old citizens. The frequent allusions 
made to him in the foregoing pages, sliow the estimation 
in which he was held, in ail things pertaining to public or 
l)usiness matters ; and the testimony of his numerous 
descendants is an evidence that he was held in equal 
esteem in his domestic life. 

Perkins, Joseph. 

i\[r. Joseph Perkins was born October 19, 1746, in York, 
Maine. He married Phebe Ware. She was born in York, 
December 16, 1748, and died in this town, August 20, 
1815. They had ten children.* 

Mr. Perkins was one of the wealthy men of the town at 
that period, and was more engaged in commerce and navi- 
gation than any other individual. He owned at one time 
eight thousand feet of wharf property. He was a very 
prominent man, and his name appears in the early town 
records more frequently, perhaps, than that of any other 
citizen. He was chairman of the first board of Select- 
men, chosen by the town of Penobscot. He died in this 
town, August 28, 1818, aged seventy-one j'ears ten months 
and o'ne day. 

Wescott, William. 

The genealogy of the Wescott family is quite complete, 
although but little is known of the life of the subject of 
this sketch. His father, also named William, was a resi- 
dent of York, Maine, where the son w-as born, March 10, 
1784. He came here several years before the Revolution- 
ary War, and was one of those who returned here just 
prior to the incorporation of Penobscot. He was mar- 
ried, December 29th, 1756, to Elizabeth Perkins. His wife 
was born Januar}^ 6, 1737, but where^ the record does not 
state. They had twelve children, viz: — 
John, — born June 4. 1757 ; was lost at sea in 1781. 
Deborah, — born April 28, 1758; died in April, 1783. 
Elizabeth, — born February 6, 1760; died in 1761. 
William, — born October 8, 1764; died on April 7, 1785. 

*The list of their names is given in Part III. 


Experience, — ^bom April 28, 1766 ; date of death unknown. 
Theodosia, — born June 12, 1767 ; died June 21, 1805. 
Amos, — born January 12, 1769; date of death unknown. 
Nancy, — ^born May 15, 1771 ; date of death unknown. 
Thomas, — born March 18, 1773 ; died August 18, 1795. 
David, — born June 15, 1775 ; date of death unknown. 
Anne, — born October 17, 1777 ; date of death iinknown. 
Joseph,— born May 20, 1779 ; died July 30, 1830. 

The last named mai^ried, December 10, 1801, Miss Lucy 
Stover. She was born August 23, 1779; and died April 
5, 1862. They had eleven children, viz — 
Joseph, — ^born October 31, 1802. 

William S.,— born September 2,1804; died June 18, 1866. 
G.eorge, ) born June 13, 1809 ; died December 3, 1827. 
Lucy, \ " " " " date of deatli unknown. 
Isaiah, — -born December 27, 1813 ; date of death unknown. 
Eliza, — date of birth and death both unknown. 
Josiah, — born March 11, 1816. 
Theodosia, — born August 27, 1817. 
Sarah M., bom March 27, 1819. 
Two infants, (unnamed) date of birth and death unknown. 

Joseph Wescott^ — the second — married Sarah Dyer, 
August 2, 1829. She was born February 17, 1808; and 
died June 28, 1870. They had seven children. Elisha D.' 
died October 21, 1855 ; and Helen M. died November 3, 
1865. The others are still living, as is also their father, at 
an advanced age, but much respected. The date of Mr. 
William Wescott's death is not known. The name of this 
family was formerly written Wescutt. 

Wassok, Samuel. 

Samuel Wasson was born in Worcester, Massachusetts, 
June 12, 1760. He died in Brooksville, October 16, 1838. 

Mr. Wasson enlisted in the American army, on the 
breaking out of the Revolution. He was at the siege of 
Boston, in 1776 ; and was under the immediate command 
of Washington, when he entered the city ujDon its evacua- 
tion by General Howe. He was in the service during the 
remainder of the war, when he received an honorable dis- 
charge. About the year 1783, he came to Bagaduce, and 
devoted himself to agricultural pursuits. He took, as was 
natural, a great interest in military affairs, and his marked 
ability as a drill officer, caused his election as Captain 


of the Militia. Mr. Wasson married Elizabeth Parker, 
daughter of Judge Oliver Parker, by whom he had three 
sons and three daughters. Two of the former are still liv- 
ing. David Wasson, Esq., — now in his eighty-first year — 
has been a prominent merchant of Brooksville, and has 
done as much, at least, as any other person, to promote 
the material advancement of that town. Honorable Sam- 
uel Wasson, of Surry, Maine, is well known in political, 
but more especially in agricultural circles — having been 
for some years a member of the State Board of Agriculture. 


Little, George Barker. 

Mr. Little was born in Castine, December 21, 1821. 
He was the youngest of the ten children of Otis and 
Dorothy P. Little. September 18, 1850, he married Sarah 
Edwards, daughter of the late Reverend Elias Cornelius. 
His death occurred at West Newton, Mass., July 20, 1860. 

Mr. Little's early instruction was received in the schools 
of his native town. He afterwards attended the Academy 
at Leicester, Massachusetts. He was graduated at Bow- 
doin College, in 1843. He entered the Theological Insti- 
tution at Andover, Massachusetts, in 1846, and left it in 
1849. On October 11, 1849, he was ordained pastor of 
the First Congregational Church in Bangor, Maine. He 
remained over this church nearly eight years, but was at 
last obliged to resign, on account of poor health. He was 
settled at West Newton, November 12, 1857, and remained 
there until his death. 

" His mind was characterized by keen perception, pene- 
tration, and discrimination. His attainments in scholar- 
ship were remarkalde. As a preacher, he was thoughtful, 
perspicuous, dcfiiiite, and bold. People knew what he 
meant, and knew that he was in earnest. All who knew 
him, recognized warm and generous impulses, remarkably 
combined with clearness of thought, definiteness, prompt- 
ness, decision, and steadfastness of purpose. His domes- 
tic virtues made him lovely and happy at home. Wit, 
intelligence, vivacity, and sympathy made him genial in 
social intercourse. His Christian faith and love will be 
manifest to all who read his memorial." 

210 histoey of castine, 

Mason, William. 

Reverend William Mason was the eldest son of TViomas 
and Mary Mason, and was born at Princeton, Massachu- 
vsetts,, November 19, 1764. His early life was very similar 
to that of other young men of that day, who were not 
born to affluence. He was brought up to hard work on a 
farm, and had to struggle hard for an education. He 
entered Harvard College in 1788, and was graduated in 1792. 
Where, and with whom, he studied for the ministry, is not 
kijown; but he was licensed to preach by the Cambridge 
Association. He removed to Castine in 1798, to assume 
the duties of pastor of the First Parish. On October 3, 
1799, he was married to Miss Abigail Watson, of Leicester, 
Massachusetts. While a resident of this town, he was 
annually elected Treasurer of the town, for a period of 
twenty-six years, and was, for nearl}' the same length of 
time, a prominent member of the School Committee. He 
was much interested in everything relating to education, 
and was the originator of the Castine Social Library Asso- 

He resigned his charge over the First Parish, and 
removed with his family to Bangor, sometime in the year 
1834. His departure from town was regretted by all — some, 
even of his most zealous theological opponents being warm 
personal friends and admirers. His death occurred at 
Bangor, March 24, 1847. His excellent wife died at the 
same place, March 24, 1865. They had six sons and four 
daughters, — two of whom, John and William, became 
eminent in the Medical profession. Doctor John Mason 
practised in Bangor, where he died in 1870. Doctor Wil- 
liam Mason is still alive, and in full practice of his profes- 
sion in Charlestown, Massachusetts. We quote the fol- 
lowing.from a friend and descendant of Mr. Mason, whose 
name we are under obligations to withhold: 

" Eminently genial and social in his feelings, he was ever 
generous and hospitable to strangers and friends — as far as 
his limited means would permit. His love for his people 
was evinced by his frequent parochial calls to all classes- 
the poor and distressed, as well as those who had an abund- 
ance — and by his readiness at all times to aid by word 
and deed, in everything that had for its object the promo- 
tion of their welfare. He took a lively interest in the 
mental improvement of the young, and devoted much of 


liis time to the various educational interests of the town. 
He was strongly attached to the friends of his younger 
days, and particularly to those who were associated with 
him during his college life — for whom he retained an ardent 
affection during his life. In all the relations of life, his 
aim was to do good ; and it was his endeavor to perform, 
to the extent of his ability, the various duties devolving 
upon him, faithfully and conscientiously. 

In his theological views, he harmonized with those who 
were denominated Arians — afterwards called Unitarians. 
He believed in one supreme God, and not in a Triruty ; in 
the pre-existence and divinity, but not in the deity, of 
Christ — believing that he held a subordinate rank to the 
supreme God ; in what he considered the Scriptural, but 
not in the Calvinistic, doctrine of tlie Atonement ; and in 
future retribution — though he believed that destiny was in 
accordance with character ^ 

Powers, Jonathan. 

The first settled minister in Penobscot, was Reverend 
Jonathan Powers. He was born in March, 1762. His 
father was a minister in Deer Isle ; but whether the son 
was born there, is not known. He was a graduate of 
Dartmouth College, and was a class-mate of " Father 
Sawyer" (who lived to be over one hundred years old). 
He is said to have been a very devoted Christian, even 
during his college life. He settled in Penobscot, in the 
year 1795, and remained there until his death. His salary 
was paid by the town; and his daughter remembers that 
Major Leach once came to pay him, bringing the moiiey 
in a stucking. Mr. Powers, took the occasion to reprove 
him for some irregularities in his life. Mr. Leach replied : 
" I do not think you ought to talk so to me, when I come 
to bring you money/'' 

Mr. Powers married a Miss Thurston, — sister of a 
lawyer of that name, in Boston. Mrs. Powers, in a letter 
to her brother, on one occasion, mentioned the fact that 
they were almost out of corn meal, but said, in a spirit of 
Christian hopefulness, that she had no doubt more would 
come, when that was gone. Mr. Powers had a vacation 
of two months every year, in which he was emplo^-ed by 
the Massachusetts ilissionary Society. This contributed 
considerably to his support. He went to Boston in 1807, 


to attend the meetings of this society. He spent the last 
night away from home at the house of Esquire Thurston, 
in Sedgwick, where he stopped upon his return. He 
must have suffered from exposure on his way back from 
Boston, as he was taken ill with Pneumonia immediately 
after his return, and died, in consequence, November 8, 
1807. Doctor Moulton, of Bucksport, was his attending 
physician. He asked him, just before he died, if he was 
comfortable in his mind." Mr. Power's reply was : " I 
have great peace. I will praise him in life and death, and 
throuo^h eternitv." Reverend Mr. Fisher, of Bluehill, 
preached his funeral sermon, from the text : "I have 
fouo^ht the ffood figfht." His remains were interred in the 
burying-place at North Castine. It is situated m the 
enclosure back of Mr. George H. Emerson's house. His 
grave-stone is still legible. 


Abbott, William. 

William Abbott, Esq., was born at Wilton, Hillsboro' 
County, New Hampshire, November 15, 1773. The father, 
Mr. William Abbott, was a native of Andover, Massachu- 
setts. He was a descendant of George Abbott, who emi- 
grated from Yorkshire, England, in 1644, and who was one 
of the first settlers of Andover. The subject of this sketch, 
passed his early years on a farm. He was prepared for 
College in 1790, in a town school kept by Jonathan Fisher, 
afterwards a minister at Blaehill. In 1793, he entered 
Harvard College. He was graduated in 1797, at which 
time he delivered a poem on " Music." After graduation, 
he studied law with William Gordon, of Amherst, New 
Hampshire, and was admitted to the bar in 1800. He came 
to Castine in 1801. In 1802, he married Rebecca Atherton. 
In 1803, he was appointed Register of Probate, which office 
he held eighteen years. In 1816, he was chosen one of the 
Electors for President. In this year he was also elected a 
member of the Brunswick Convention ; and in 1819, of the 
Convention at Portland. At the latter Convention, he was 
appointed upon a committee to determine the name of the 
new State. He was the first Representative from this tow^n 
to the Legislature of Maine, and also represented the town in 
the years 1823, 1826, and 1827. In 1829, he removed to 

(From a Photosiapli. ) 


Bangor, where he was for a long time a member of the Board 
of Selectmen. The charter of the city of Bangor, was drafted 
by him. He was chairman of the Superintending School 
Committee, of that place, for twelve years. He was elected 
Mayor of the city in IS-iS, and 1850. His death occurred 
in August of the latter year. He had five sons and two 
daughters. Of the sons, Charles Jeffrey is still a resident 
of this town, in which, like his father, he has practiced law 
with ability and success for many years ; has taken a warm 
interest in educational matters, and in everything pertain- 
ing to the interests of the town ; and has filled, acceptably, 
many offices of honor and importance, both in State and 
town. He was graduated at Bowdoin College, in 1825, in 
the class with S. P. Benson, Jonathan Cilley, Nathaniel 
Hawthorne, and Henry W. Longfellow. 

In regard to the legal abilities of the father, we cannot 
do better than to quote the following, from the pen of 
Honorable William Willis: 

" His intellect was clear, strong, and discriminating, 
rather than brilliant, imaginative, and original. It was 
well balanced and logical ; its pre-eminent characteristic 
was practical common sense. He possessed a great influence 
with juries, whose reason and sense of moral right he 
addressed, rather than their feelings or their prejudices. 
He was regarded by his legal brethren and compeers as a 
sound lawyer, thoroughly versed in his profession, learned, 
astute, and able, and was greatly respected by them." In 
politics, he was, early in life, a Federalist, but he became 
afterwards a member of the ^Vhig party. In his religious 
views, he was a firm and decided Unitarian, of the Chan- 
ning school. While a resident in this town, he joined 
Reverend Mr. Mason's church, and after his removal to 
Bangor, he united with the Unitarian church in that city. 
His funeral sermon was preached by Reverend Doctor 
Hedge, who thus sums up his character : — "• It is no small 
praise to say of any man, what in strict truth can be said 
of him, that he was blameless, and led from the first com- 
mencement of his active existence until its close, a blame- 
less life. To be possessed of some one distinguished virtue 
is less infrequent than to be without reproach. He was 
one to whom no scandal or breath of suspicion r-ould ever 
attach, whose pure fame no ol)loquy ever dared to assail, 
whom to know was to respect, whom to name was to 
praise." The estimation in which he was held in Bangor, 



is shown by the important offices he filled while there, and 
by his name being given to one of the principal public 
squares of that city. The frequent allusion to his name 
in this book is evidence of the esteem in which he was 
held by the citizens of Castine. [See Courts and Lawyers 
of Maine.] 

Nelson, Job. 

Mr. Nelson was born in the town of Middlgborough, 
Massachusetts, in 1766. He was a graduate of Brown 
University, in the class of 1790. He studied law in the 
office of Honorable Seth Paddleford, at Taunton, Massa- 
chusetts ; and came to this town in the 3'ear 1793. He 
married Miss Margaret Farwell. He was the Represen- 
tative of this town in the General Court of Massachusetts, 
for the year 1801. He was appointed upon the Committee 
of Public Safety, and also upon several of the committees 
formed to draft resolutions, at the time of the troubles con- 
nected with the passage of the Embargo laws, and the 
declaration of war with Great Britain, in 1810-'12. In 
1804, he was appointed Judge of Probate, and continued 
to hold this office for thirty-two years. In 1836, he 
removed to Boston, but remained only two years before he 
became dissatisfied, and returned to this town. Shortly 
after his return, he met with a great loss in the destruc- 
tion of his house by fire. This was the occasion of his 
removal to Orland, where he owned a farm. He died in that 
town, July 2, 1850, aged eighty-four years, and his remains 
were brought here for interment. Although not a man 
of more than average ability, he possessed an excellent 
reputation for promptness and fidelity in his business, and 
was held in great esteem here. [From Courts and Law- 
yers of Maine.] 

Parker, Isaac. 

Mr. Parker was born in Boston, June 17, 1768. He 
was graduated at Harvard College, in 1786, Avith high 
honor, although but eighteen years of age. He studied 
law in the office of , Judge Tudor, of Boston. He was 
admitted to the bar in 1789, and came here very shorth'" 
after. He was the first regular practitioner of law in this 
section of the State. From 1791 to 1795, inclusive, h@ 


represented the town of Penobscot in the General Court 
of Massachusetts; and was the first Representative from 
Castine, in 1796. From 1796 to 1798, he was a Rejjresen- 
tative to Congress from this district. In the year 1799, 
he wa^s appointed United States Marshal, for the District 
of Maine, — and aljout this time he removed to Portland. 
He was appointed an Associate Judge of the Supreme 
Court of Masvsachusetts, in 1806 ; and was raised to the 
dignity of Chief Justice in the same Court, in 1814. He 
was the author of all the first twenty -seven law reports of 
Massachusetts, except the first volume of all. In 1800, he 
delivered, at Portland, a eulogy on the death of Washing- 
ton. He was for eleven years one of the Trustees of Bow- 
doin College ; and was, for twenty years, an Overseer of 
Harvard College. In 1810, he was appointed Royall Pro- 
fessor of Law in the latter College. He received from 
Harvard the degree of LL. D., in 1814. Judge Whit- 
man once said of him r — " Parker was one of the pleasantest 
men I ever knew, — kind, courteous, and amiable. At times 
he was veiy elo(juent ; and always from his candid, honest 
manner, had great weight with the jury." Honorable 
William Willis says, in the work from which this sketch is 
derived : — " No man was ever more free from affectation or 
pretension, than Judge Parker ; modest, unassuming, unaf- 
fectedly great, he despised all the accessories and expe- 
dients to which weak and mean men resort to acquire 
notoriety." Judge Parker married Rebecca Hall. She 
was a daughter of Joseph Hall, of Meclford, ]\Iassachu- 
setts, who was a descendant from John Hall, who settled 
in Concord in 1658. They had three sons,-Edward, Charles 
A., and John ; and three daughters, — Ann, who Avas mar- 
ried to Henry Wainwright, of Boston ; Margaret, Avho 
died unmarried ; and Emily, who was married to a Mr. 
Davis, of Boston. Judge Parker was not only learned 
in the law, but was also a polished writer, and a graceful 
speaker. His popularity as a man was un])ounded, and his 
reputation as a lawyer and an advocate, attracted many 
students to his office. [From Courts and Lawyers of 

Pariosr, Oliver. 

Oliver Parker was of English descent, and was born in 
Worcester, Massachusetts, about the year 1738. He was 


appointed a Justice of the Peace for Worcester County, by 
King George, shortly after he had attained his majority. 
During the war of the Revolution, he was an active loyal- 
ist. He became very offensive to his neighbors, in conse- 
quence of his adherence to the Crown of England, and 
was, on this account, obliged to leave his native country, 
when peace was declared. He went to St. John, New 
Brunswick, where he resided some ten years. While 
there, he was engaged in mercantile business, and accumu- 
lated considerable property, which he is said to have lost 
through the dishonesty of his partner in business. Mr. 
Parker moved to Castine in 1794, and bought the farm 
now owned by Mr. Alexander G. Perkins. About the 
year 1800, he was appointed by Governor Strong, Judge of 
the Court of Common Pleas. This office he held nearly 
fifteen years. Judge Parker was much interested in 
religious matters, and was instrumental in having the 
meeting-house built at North Castine — then Penobscot. 
He was a member of Reverend Mr. Mason's church, and, 
for a short time, was one of the deacons. From 1787 to 
1790, and again in 1792, he was chosen one of the Board 
of Selectmen of Penobscot. It is related of him, that, 
being inveigled by others into some iniquitous transaction, 
he was brought as a prisoner before the bar of the very 
Court over which he had once presided. The finding of 
the Court in his case we do not know ; but it is claimed 
that Avhatever this may have been, he was free from inten- 
tional wrong-doing. Judge Parker was twice married, 
and brought up a family of three sons and four daughters. 
Tavo of the latter married John and Samuel Wasson, of 
Brooksville. Judge Parker died in Brooksville, in the 
year 1818, aged about eighty years. 

Story, Isaac. 

Isaac Story, Esq., was the second son of Reverend Isaac 
Story, of Marblehead, Massachusetts. He was born in that 
town, in 1774. He was graduated at Harvard College, in 
1792, and came here in 1797, and commenced the practice of 
law. He was, however, much fonder of literature than of 
law, and gave the greater portion of his time while here to 
editing the Castine Journal. His career was short, though 
brilliant. After a residence here of some two or three 
years only, he removed to Massachusetts, and died at his 


father's house, in Marblehead, in July, 1803. PJe wrote 
" Essays from the Desk of Beri Hesclin ; " a volume of let- 
ters entitled " The Traveller ; " and a poem entitled " The 
Parnassian Shop, by Peter Quince." A writer in the 
Salem Register thus speaks of him : — " A gentleman well 
known by numerous productions in polite literature. In 
his manners, bland, social, and affectionate ; in his disposi- 
tion, sportive and convivial ; in his morals, pure, generous, 
and unaffected. Wit and humor were provinces in which 
he sought peculiar favor, though he not unfrequently 
mingled in his poetic effusions the gravity of sententious- 
ness with the lighter graces." His kinsman. Judge Story, 
of Massachusetts, wrote an elegy upon his death. [Courts 
and Lawyers of Maine.] 

Wetmore, William. 

William Wetmore was born in Connecticut, in 1749. 
He was graduated at Harvard College, in 1770. He first 
practiced law in Salem, Massachusetts, and afterwards 
came to Castine — probably about 1777 or '78. He was a 
Judge of Probate, for Hancock County, for a number of 
years. In 1804, he removed to Boston, and was for many 
years a Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, in that city. 
Judge Wetmore was married, and had one daughter, who 
was married to Judge Story. Whether there were an}"- 
other children, is unknown to the writer. Judge Wet- 
more was one of the six lawyers in Maine who were ever 
raised to the degree of a Barrister. He died at Boston, in 
the year 1880, at the age of eighty-one years. 

Williams, Hezekiah. 

See Citizens Prominent in Nation, &c. 


Crawford, William. 

Doctor William Crawford was born in Worcester, Mas- 
sachusetts, in August, 1730. He was graduated at the 
College of New Jersey — then located either in Newark or 

*This account of tlic Physicians of Castine is from the pen of Doctor Joseph 
L. Stevens, to whom the "entire credit is due for all except what rehites lo 
Doctor Crawford, some of the facts in regard to Doctor Calef, and a portion 
of what refers to himself. 


Elizabethtown — on the tenth of October, 1755. He mar- 
ried Miss Mary Brewer, of Westtown, in October, 1763. 
She was a sister of Colonel Brewer, the former proprietor 
of the town of Brewer, from whom the place took its name. 
He had two sons, James and William, who settled in this 
town. Doctor Crawford, although never a resident of this 
town, is mentioned in this chapter from the fact that he 
was the nearest physician to the earliest settlers of Plan- 
tation Number 3, and often came here on professional visits. 
Doctor Crawford was a Surgeon and Chaplain in the army 
of General Wolfe, and was attached to his staff at the time 
of the death of the latter, at Quebec. He came to this 
region several years before the war of the Revolution, and 
located at what is now Fort Point. It is a family tradition 
that he was the one to marry the first couple that were 
ever wedded, according to Protestant forms, in the Penob- 
scot region. He died at the age of forty-six years, at Fort 
Pownal, in the town of Prospect (^now Fort Point, in the 
town of Stockton). His diploma, written on parchment 
nearly one hundred and twenty years ago, highly embel- 
lished and with illuminated letters, is in the possession of 
his grandson, Mr. James B. Crawford, of this town, to 
whom we are mainly indebted for this sketch. 

Doctor Crawford was not only a physician, but for three 
or four years he officiated as Chaplain, and preached in the 
ohapel at Fort Pownal, which was erected by Colonel 
Goldthwaite, who was, afterwards, for a short time, a resi- 
dent of this place. In regard to his preaching, the follow- 
ing anecdote is related : — One of his parishoners, named 
James Martin, was observed to be usually absent from 
divine service on Sunday. Doctor Crawford called on him 
to learn the reason of his absence. Martin informed him 
that there was no necessity for his attending. " Why ?" 
said the Doctor. " Because," replied Martin, " I have 
heard your sermon so often that I know it all by heart." 
" Let me hear you prove it," said the Doctor. He accord- 
ingly repeated the discourse nearly in the very language of 
the Doctor. " I declare," said the Doctor, "I must alter 
my method of preaching, in the future." 

Doctor Crawford is represented as a very kind and worthy 
man, though of an ardent and impetuous temperament. He 
was of Scotch descent. 


From its peculiar, isolated situation — relatively to other 
towns in the vicinity — its small population, and its remark- 
able exemption from acute diseases, for the treatment of 
which medical men achieve their best reputation, and 
receive their highest rewards, Castine cannot be entitled a 
"Paradise for Doctors." It is known that not one has 
accumulated a fortune, and it is believed that not one has 
acquired even a competence here by professional means. 

Calef, John.* 

The first physician known to have resided, as well as 
practiced, in town, was Doctor John Calef — often written 
Calf. He was a man of good education, who came here as 
a refugee from Massachusetts, on account of his obnoxious 
political opinions. As there were, at that time, many 
sympathizers with him, likewise refugees, it is supposed he 
practiced with them, as well as with the citizens of the town. 
It is known that he did with one family, at least, the 
descendants of which are still residents here. He lived, so 
says tradition, in the house so long owned by Doctor Mann, 
and probably built it. It is now the oldest house in town, and, 
when erected, faced the street, which run differently then 
from Perkins street as now laid out. [Query? See chapter 
IX.] The Doctor was a son of Robert and Margaret Calef, 
and was born in Ipswich, in 1725. He married a daughter 
of Reverend Jedediah Jewett, of Rowley, Massachusetts. 
Whether he had any offspring, is unknown. Prior to his com- 
ing to this part of the country, he was for several years in the 
General Court of Massachusetts. During the British occu- 
pation of this place, in 1779, he was a volunteer Surgeon, 
and an acting Chaplain to their forces. After peace was 
declared, he settled in St. Andrews, New Brunswick, where 
he died in 1812, aged eighty-seven years. He made one 
visit here after his removal, and called upon the family to 
which allusion has been made, and left a slight memorial 
of his interest in it. 

Mann, Oliver. 

The earliest settled physician of whom we have any 

accurate knowledge, was Doctor Oliver ^lann, who was 

*The name seems to be an old Scandinavian patronymic— See Sinding's 
History of Scandinavia, pp. IG'2, 163, 


likewise from Massachusetts. He must have come here 
very soon after the close of the war. He had seen service 
as Assistant Surgeon in a hospital ; and, as there was no 
other practitioner nearer than Doctor Skinner, of Brewer, 
must have had an extensive and remunerative practice in 
this and the adjacent towns and islands. He was a man of 
firm constitution, strong powers of endurance, and temper- 
ate habits ; but of warm temper and passions, and, when 
excited, was in the habit of using intemperate language. 
By his early friends his opinions were considered infallible, 
from which there should be no appeal. Late in life, he 
became a Methodist, with a radical change in language and 
demeanor. As he had been a medical officer in the war, he 
became entitled to a pension ; to procure which he made a 
journey to Bangor. The day before, he contracted a severe 
catarrh by going through wet grass to visit a patient out of 
town. The additional exposure of his journey, brought on a 
violent attack of Acute Laryngitis. The writer attended 
him until his death. He died July 4, 1832, aged seventy- 
six years. In addition to his professional labors, he was 
engaged somewhat in navigation, and was also a prominent 
political man in the town. He was a Representative to the 
General Court for several years, and filled many other 
offices of honor and responsibility. He was a large owner 
of real estate here, and on Cape Rozier. 


During the closing years of the last century, several 
physicians — whose names, even, have not come down to us- 
came here, but staid only a short time. In the early years 
of the present century, Doctor Kittredge, afterwards of 
Mount Desert, is said to have staid a short time in what is 
now called North Castine. 

Adams, Moses. 

About this same time Doctor Moses Adams came here. He 
remained a short time, and then removed to Ellsworth. 
While there he was charged with the murder of his wife, 
was brought here for trial, and was acquitted for lack of 
evidence. Public opinion, however, was so adverse that, 
although he married again, confidence in him was not 
restored, it is believed, sufficiently for him to regain prac- 

brooksville and penobscot- 221 


About the year 1809, Doctor Thurston came here from 
Massachusetts. He was a man liberall}^ educated, of good 
abilities, and practiced in the best families in town. He 
staid only two or three years, however, before he removed 
to Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where it is snpposed he 
lived until his death. The date of his death, and his age, 
are both unknown. 

Peck, Calvin, 

Doctor Calvin Peck, from Western Massachusetts, suc- 
ceeded Doctor Thurston. AVhile he was attending the lec- 
tures of Harvard Medical School, (he was a fellow boarder 
with the writer) a letter was received by the Professors 
from prominent citizens in this town — among the names of 
whom the writer remembers seeing that of William 
Abbott, Esq., — requesting them to recommend some young 
man desirous to settle. Doctor Peck, then about to grad- 
uate, was advised to go. The writer assisted him in put- 
ting his effects in a sleigh, and saw him start for Castine ; 
little thinking he should ever follow him to the same place 
to reside. Doctor Peck staid here a year or two, but a bet- 
ter opening offering in Ellsworth, he went there, where he 
died in 1819, aged fifty-seven years. 

D'Ayez, Madame, 

Some 3^ears prior to Doctor Peck's residence here — prob- 
ably about 1810 — a female practitioner, Madame D'Ayez, 
by name, arrived in town.* She was an extraordinary 
woman ; fully impressexi with a sense of " AVoman's rights," 
which she exercised to the fullest extent consistent with 
law and usage as then existing. She was said to be 
a daughter of a medical mau, and had been a nurse in a 
hospitid, from which source she had gathered quite a har- 
vest of medical lore. She practiced not only in this, but 
in neighV)oring towns, and by her shrewdness and address, 
caused much trouble and vexation to her inale competitors. 
A specimen of her shrewdness is shown by a wonderful 
plaster she often made. This plaster — made of some sim- 
ple material — was spread on the nicest scarlet ch>th, and 

*Coinnioiily prnnoiincpil, in this vicinity, "M'ani Dnggey." 


when applied to certain portions of the body was sure to 
" draw out " and eradicate all crossness and ill-nature from 
babies and young children. The price was one dollar a 
plaster ; and, considering its inestimable value, if true, 
could not be considered unreasonable. Unluckily for dis- 
tressed mothers, for whose special benefit this remarkable 
article was made, the secret died with her. The following 
case shows her mode of treatment : — An ancestor of one of 
our present citizens, got poisoned, it is presumed neither 
very severely or dangerously so. She was applied to for 
aid. To treat the case, she took some common salt, dried, 
pounded and manipulated it for a long time, colored it with 
some innocent ingredient, and then, with much ceremony, 
gave it to the patient, who, of course, soon recovered. A 
lady well acquainted with her devices, expostulating with 
her upon the deception, asked her why she could not inform 
the family, and let them procure so simple a remedy. ^ Oh! " 
says she, in her broken English, " M'am L — , it taint do to 
let de folks know everything .'' 

Gage, Moses. 

Soon after Doctor Peck's departure wa« known, Doctor 
Moses Gage settled here. He was a native of Rowley, 
Massachusetts, and a recent graduate from Harvard. He 
practiced in Du'xbury a few months. He came here in 
1815. He was a gentleman of superior talents ; prompt, 
energetic, and decided in practice, especially in surgery ; 
and, had he lived, in good health and under favorable cir- 
cumstances, would have become a distinguished surgeon. 
An unusually strong predisposition to Consumption com- 
pelled him to make a voyage to Havana, with the hope of 
regaining good health. He soon became much better, and 
had a large and lucrative practice with the Americans resi- 
dent there. In 1821, he visited this place and staid a few 
weeks with his friends, but his disease increasing, he was 
obliged to return to Havana. He died there in 1822, aged 
thirty-one years. 

Stevens, Joseph L. [Portrait on opposite page.] 

Just before the first departure of Doctor Gage for 
Havana — as mentioned in the preceding sketch — ^lie wrote 
to the compiler of these sketches ( Doctor Joseph L. 


Stevens, a native of Gloucester, Massachusetts,) advising 
him to take his place, and offering to recommend him to 
his friends. They had been fellow students at North 
Andover, with Dr. Thomas Kittridge, and were intimate 
friends. He accordingly came on, arriving here in January, 
1819, the day after Doctor Gage sailed. An interview 
with the citizens, mutually satisfactor3% induced him to 
settle his business in the town where he had been residing, 
and to return here, March 2, 1819, where he has since 
lived. He has practiced here now for a period of iifty-five 
years, varied occasionally, and intermitted by several 
severe attacks of illness. Notwithstanding the latter, he 
is still in tolerable health, and his physical powers are 
pretty well preserved, considering his age, and his mental, 
as good as ever, in his own conceit at least.* 

[It only remains to be added to the above, that Doctor 
Stevens is a graduate of both the Classical and Medical 
departments of Harvard College ;t is a man of culture and 
refinement, and has had, in his day, a wide-spread reputa- 
tion as a physician, and more especially as a surgeon. 
Although eighty-four years of age, he still keeps up his 
interest in professional matters, and practices occasionally. 
As he is still living, it would be improper, in this place, to 
speak of his character and disposition ; but it cannot be out 
of place for us to bear testimony to the general esteem in 
which he is now, and has ever been, held by the community 
in which he has so long lived.] 

Poor, Eben. 

In 1822, Doctor Eben Poor came here as Clerk of the 
Courts, for the County of Hancock. He had been practic- 
ing in Belfast, then a part of the above County. He was 
born in Andover, Massachusetts, October 28, 1765. Ho 
studied his profession with Doctor Thomas Kittredge, of 
Andover. After practicing for some years in Massachu- 
setts, he removed to Andover, Maine, in 1804, where he 
continued in practice until December, 1814, when he 
removed to Belfast. While a resident of Andover, he 
was appohited principal Assessor of the Sixth Collection 

♦This iis his own hmgUiiKe. 

tWhilc! a student he attcndod tho locturos of Dr. -John Warren, the first 
Professor ol' Auhtoniy and Sur<,'(!ry, in the Harvard Medical Seliooj, and one 
of its Fonnders, and likewise heard the first lecture delivered by his son, 
Doctor John C Warreu, when appointed AtOimtt Professor. 


District, in the then District of Maine. He likewise repre'- 
sented the County of Oxford, in the L'egislatvire of Massa- 
chusetts-. He continued to reside and practice in Castine 
till 1817, when he removed to Penobscot, and married 
there a widowed lady, who died in 1828. His first wife, 
Elizabeth Stevens Poor, died in Castine, November 7, 
1824. In 1829, he removed back to Andover, Maine, 
where, honored and respected, he practiced until his death, 
which occurred January 18, 1887. 

Doctor Poor was a judicious and safe jTractitioner, 
though his treatment was what is technically called 
" heroic." This kind of treatment was, however, as the 
writer well knows, strictly confined to his own person. 
He treated bis patients with more discrimination than he 
did himself. Although always an invalid, and his treat- 
ment of himself bordering upon the extreme, yet he lived 
to an advanced age, far beyond the period usually allotted 
to mankind, 

Bridgham, Roland H. 

In 1834, Doctor Roland H. Bridgham — a native of 
Minot — came here as Collector of the Customs for this 
port, appointed by President Jackson. Doctor Bridgham 
first settled in Sullivan, Maine, where he practiced many 
years. For two years prior to his appointment as Col- 
lector, he had represented that town in the Legislature, in 
which he was active and influential in procuring the pas- 
sage of the beneficial Act, authorizing towns to cause a 
general vaccination to be made. At the expiration of 
Pierce's administration, he retired from office ; but a jenv 
or two afterwards, he represented this Senatorial district, 
in the Legislature. During his term of office, he practiced 
occasionally; and after its expiration, did so very generally 
and acceptably to his many friends. Pie had always had 
great influence in the political party to which he belonged, 
which continued as long as his activity lasted. About 
two years before death, he had a slight attack of general 
Paralysis, which, with other signs, indicated the general 
wreck of brain sure, sooner or later, to follow. He con- 
tinued in business some time after — gradually failing — till 
two months before death, when he became delirious, then 
unconscious, and died January 25, 1871, aged seventy 
years and eight months. He was buried with Masonic 

brooksville and penobscot. 225 

Military Officers. 

JoHANNOT, Gabriel. 

Gabriel Joliannot was, probably, of Huguenot descent. 
He was born in Boston, in the year 1748. He came here 
soon after the close of the Revolutionary war. The exact 
time is not known ; but as early as 1784, he was living 
upon this peninsula, having settled upon Lot Number Six, 
of the original survey. He is said to have had command 
of one of the militia regiments, but of which one we have 
been unable to ascertain. He was a prominent man in 
town affairs, and was the second Representative of the 
town of Penobscot to the General Court of Massachusetts. 
He was a prominent Free-mason — having been one of the 
charter members of Hancock Lodge at its formation, and 
its first Senior Warden. He removed to the town of 
Hampden, Maine, wdiere he died, in 1820. 

Lee, Joseph. 

Mr. Joseph Lee was born in Royalston, Massachusetts, 
in August, 1774. He came, at an early age, to live with 
his uncle, Mr. John Lee, the first Collector of Customs at 
Castine. In 1800, he was married to Priscilla Sparhawk, 
of Templeton, Massachusetts. In 1807, he removed to 
Bucksport, where he remained until the winter of 1826, 
when he moved to Milo. How long he resided in the lat- 
ter place we do not know ; but he returned again to 
Bucksport, where he died, in April, 1861, aged eighty- 
seven years four months. There were several daughters, 
but only one son, in his family. The eldest daughter was 
married to C. A. Swazey, of Bucksport; the second, to 
Eben Greenleaf, of Williamsburgh, jNlaine ; and the young- 
est to William Brown, of Brownville, Maine. His son, 
Joseph A. Lee, was married, aV)out the year 1836, to Miss 
Mary L. Sawyer, of Calais, INIaine. 

During his residence in Castine, Mr. Lee assisted his 
uncle in the duties of the Custom-House. He had consid- 
erable predilection for the military service, and we find 
him mentioned in 1800, as a Lieutenant of the Castine 
Artillery Company ; and ten years later — after he had 
moved to Bucksport — he is mentioned as resigning his 
office as Colonel of the Regiment. In regard to his subse- 
quent career, we have received no information. 

226 history of castine, 

Little, Otis. 

See Citizens Prominent in Nation, State, &c. 

Authors and Publishers. 

Waters, Daniel S. 

Neither the old town of Penobscot, nor either of the 
present towns derived from it, has produced any author of 
special repute, except such as have been already mentioned 
amongst its professional men. There have been three 
editors and publishers, but of this number we have been 
able to obtain no account of either one, except the subject 
of this sketch. 

Mr. Daniel Waters was the son of Mr. William Waters, 
of Boston, and learned his trade — as a printer — of Messrs. 
Adams and Rhodes, of that city. He came here about 
1797 or '98 ; and in 1799, commenced the publication of a 
paper, under the name of the Castine Journal^ and Eastern 
Advertiser. He remained here but a short time, having, 
about the year 1802, removed his establishment to Hamp- 
den — where, however, he remained but one year. He 
went from Hampden to Richmond, Virginia, where he 
died, a few months after, at an early age. He was a mem- 
ber of the Masonic fraternity. 

Citizens Prominent in Nation, State, or Town. 

Little, Otis. 

Mr. Otis Little was born in Marshfield, Massachusetts, 
March 27, 1769. He came to Castine — then a part of 
Penobscot — in 1794. On January 21, 1800, he married 
Miss Doroth}'^ Perkins, a daughter of Captain Joseph Per- 
kins. A few years after Mr. Little selected this peninsula 
as his permanent home, he turned his attention to mercan- 
tile pursuits, in which he continued for more than forty 
years. During this period he was also interested, to a 
considerable degree, in commerce and navigation. He 
possessed the confidence of his fellow citizens, who re- 
peatedly elected him to offices of responsibility and trust. 
For four years he represented this town in the General 
Court of Massachusetts. He was afterwards chosen Rej)- 
resentative to the Legislature of Maine, for three succes- 
sive terms. He was one of the Governor's Council in 1830 ; 


and, during a period of some fourteen years, was one of 
the Selectmen of Castine. He had some experience in the 
military service, being chosen first a Sergeant, then Lieuten- 
ant, and afterwards a Captain of the Castine Artillery 
Company. The commissioned officers of the artillery 
companies of. Bangor, Belfast and Castine, then composing 
a brigade, elected Mm Major, by which title he was there- 
after always called. 

Major Little ever took a lively interest in town improve- 
ments, and was always ready to contribute time and 
money for such purposes. He planted nearly all the 
shade trees on Green Street, and a large proportion of the 
noble elms and maples on Court Street. He died Febru- 
ary 15, 1846, aged seventy-seven years eighteen days. 
His wife survived him over ten years, her death occurring 
November 3, 1856, at the age of seventy-seven years four 
months and eighteen days. 

Williams, Hezekiah, 

Hezekiah Williams was born in the year 1798, in AVood- 
stock, Vermont. He was graduated at Dartmouth College, 
in 1820. He chose law as a profession, and in 1825, 
settled in this town. In May, of the year following, he 
was married to JNliss Eliza Patterson, of Belfast. Although 
a respected member of Hancock Bar, he was more exten- 
sively known in political than in professional circles. He 
held at different times, various offices of honor and trust 
in town and State, and in 1845-1817 he represented this 
District in Congress. He belonged to the Democratic 
party. Mr Williams was a prominent and zealous member 
of the Masonic Order. He was at one time the Master of 
Hancock Lodge, and in LS41, was elected Grand Master of 
the Grand Lodge of Maine. He had four sons and four 
daughters. All four of his sons were in the service of the 
United States during the war of the Rebellion. Three of 
them were Army Officers, one of them, Hezekiah, being at 
one time a ^Medical Director of the Army of the West. The 
second son, Edward Patterson Williams, was Ijorn in this 
town, in February, 1833. He was educated at the High 
School and was afterwards appointed a Cadet at the Naval 
School in Annapolis, Maryland. After his graduation at 
the Naval School, he entered the Navy as a Midshipman, 


but soon rose to the rank of a Lieutenant. He was one of 
the party who made the night attack on Fort Sumpter, in 
1861, and was taken prisoner at that time and received 
very harsh treatment. After peace was declared, he was 
promoted to the command of the Oneida^ which ship was 
run down by the English steamer Bombay^ while coming 
out of the harbor of Yokahoma, Japan, in 1870, and sank 
with nearly all on board. His conduct at that time was 
truly heroic, even though unwise. He would not leave 
his post on the bridge of the vessel, and when urged to do 
so, replied " I go down with my ship. " A petty officer 
again urged him to go. He grasped the iron rail and said, 
''No, this is my place and here I remain." His age at the 
time was thirty-seven years. But one son and one daughter 
of this family now remain. Mr. Williams died at Castine, 
October 28, 1856, aged fifty-eight years and thirteen 
months. His wife died in Dixon, Illinois, August 19, 
1866, aged sixty -four years. Her remains are interred at 

WiLLsoN, David. 

Micahel Willson, father of the subject of this sketch, 
emigrated from 'England, and settled in Ipswich, Massachu- 
setts. He was a weaver by trade. For several years he 
was a member of the Colonial Legislature of Massachusetts. 
He subsequently settled in Wells, Maine. 

His son David, was born in Wells, in A]3ril, 1763. He 
came to this place previous to the breaking out of the war 
of the Revolution, and, while here, assisted the American 
forces in erecting the batteries at Hainey's and Wescott's. 
He remained here until the Americans were defeated. 
He then enlisted in the army, and was present at York- 
town, when Cornwallis surrendered. After ]3eace was 
declared, he returned with his family to Castine, and set- 
tled on his farm, about two miles from the village. For 
seventeen years in succession, he was chosen one of the 
Selectmen — the greater part of the time First Selectman 
and Assessor — and then felt obliged to decline any longer 
service in that capacity. He served as a deacon of the 
First Congregational Society for the term of thirty-three 
years. He died in Castine, April 29, 18B8, aged eighty 
years and two days. He was married to Miss Marian 
Littlefield, who was born in York, Maine, March 22, 1756, 


and who died March 23, 1830, aged seventy-four years. 
They had three sons : Nathaniel, who died in Castine, in 
April, 1864, aged eighty-three years ; Benjamin, who was 
lost at sea, from the brig Castine, August 30, 1815, at the 
age of twenty-eight years ; and Josiah, who died in Penob- 
scot, in 1870, aged about eighty-four years. Nathaniel 
was married to Christiana Gardner, .who was born in 
llinghara, Massachusetts, and who was a descendant, in a 
direct line, of one of the Pilgrims who came over in the 
Maiifloiver. She died in this town, in December, 1861, 
aged eighty-four 3'ears. 


Perkins, Ebenezer. 

Captain Ebenezer Perkins, the fourth son of Joseph and 
PhfBbe Ware Perkins, was born in York, Maine, June 8, 
17^1 ; and died in .Castine, July 26, 1827, aged fifty-six 
years. He married Mehitable Littleiield, who was born in 
Wells, Maine, March 14, 1784. She died at Camden, 
Maine, November 12, 1857, aged seventy-three years. 

" Early in life he chose the vocation of a sailor, and his 
life was somewhat of an eventful one. In the employment 
of his father, he was, when quite young, appointed to the 
command of a vessel. During the existence of the Berlin 
and Milan Decrees, his vessel was captured, and he was 
confined for some time in a French prison. 

Soon after the declaration of War between Great 
Britain and the United States, he, being then in command 
of the ship Liverpool Trader, belonging to his father, lying 
at Poughkeepsie, New York, received orders to ])ring his 
vessel to Hampden, that Iteing supposed to l)e a place of 
safety. Soon after liis arrival, however, some of the British 
fleet sailed up the Penobscot, and burned the Liverjjool 
Trader, together with one of the United States vessels 
lying there. 

The next interesting event of his life occurred during 
the year 1820, he then being in command oi a vessel named 
tlie Camden. At that time the coast of Cul)a was infested 
with pirates, and on the passage of that vessel from St. 
lago cle Cuba to Boston, he was captured by them, near 
the Isle of Pines. The cargo of tlie vessel, consisting of 


coffee, sugar, pimento, and other pi^oduce of the island, 
together with himself and crew, was taken on board 
piratical vessels, and the Camden burned. 

While on board a piratical vessel, the captain, mate and 
crew, seventeen in all, were somewhat at variance as to 
what disposition should be made of the crew of the Cam- 
den; whether they should be shot, or landed on a small 
desolate island near by, called Bahia Honda. It was 
finally determined to submit the matter to a ballot. The 
whole crew were called together, the ballots distributed, 
and it w^as found, upon counting, that there were nine in 
favor of shooting them, and eight in favor of landing them 
on Bahia Honda. The captain of the pirate was among 
the nine, and the mate among the eight. Captain Per- 
kins belonged to the order of Free-Masons, and so did also 
the mate of the pirate. A quarrel arose between the cap- 
tain of the latter and his mate, on this account, which 
resulted in a duel, in which the captain fell ; and in conse- 
quence of this, the crew of the Camden were landed on the 
island. This island was found to be quite barren, pro- 
ducing only a few mangrove bushes; and not a spring of 
fresh v/ater could be found upon it. The unfortunate 
men subsisted for eight days on the few shell-fish found 
on its shores, depending on the dew found upon the man- 
grove leaves in the morning and evening, to quench their 
thirst. At the end of the eighth day, a small Spanish 
coasting vessel anchored within a mile of the shore of the 
island, to which they made signals ; but whether these were 
seen or not, no attention Avas paid to them. Among the 
crew of the Camden, was an apprentice boy of Captain 
Perkins', a Dane, named William. He was a very expert 
swimmer, and volunteered to swim to the vessel (in spite 
of sharks, and otlier voracious fish) and endeavor to pre- 
vail on her captain to bring her nearer the island, and 
take them on board. A favorite spaniel of Captain Per- 
kins', which the pirates permitted him to take with him, 
was very much attached to William, and plunged with 
him into the sea, and swam by his side until the}^ both 
reached the vessel in safety. W^illiara prevailed on the 
captain to take them all on board, and they soon set sail 
for Havana, where they arrived in a few days. A short 
time after Captain Perkins' arrival in Havana, he saw his 
vessel's cargo landed. He appealed to the United States 


Consul for advice — which he gave in a few words, viz : — 
* If you value jcmr life, say nothing about the cargo.' 
Such was the state of things in Cuba in those days ; and 
recent events show that there has been but little improve- 
ment since. 

The next vessel Captain Perkins commanded was the 
brig Draco. While loading her in Boston, and when 
nearly ready for sea, the United States sloop-of-war Hor- 
net, having captured the piratical vessel which destroyed 
the Camden, brought the crew to Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, for trial. Among them was the mate through whose 
instrumentality Captain Perkins and the crew of the Cam- 
den were saved from being shot. Captain Perkins was 
summoned to Charleston, to appear as a witness against 
them. He could not bear the thought of testifying against 
one who was instrumental in saving the life of himself and 
crew, and, through the influence of Daniel Webster with 
the authorities at Washington, he was permitted to pro- 
ceed on his voyage. The mate and crew were hung. 
Captain Perkins left the sea about two years before his 

Whitney, Samuel Austin. 

Samuel Austin, the ninth child of Samuel and Abigail 
Whitney, was born in Concord, Massachusetts, September 
27, 1770. The most active portion of his life was spent 
upon the ocean. He was noted for his intrepidity, contempt 
of danger, and perseverance. His indifference to danger 
amounted often to rashness. One Fourth of July, happen- 
ing to pass where a man, torch in hand, was standing by a 
loaded cannon, he asked him why he delayed flring it. 
The man replied that it was loaded to the muzzle, and no 
one dared to lire it. He took the match, touched the fuze, 
and the gun burst. He was carried home senseless, his 
flesh filled with atoms of powder, and his nose broken. 
His exploits in there-capture of the ship ///ram, have already 
been narrated. Captain Whitney was married July 28, 
1801, to Miss Ruth Perkins, of this town. In 1802, he 
moved to Lincolnville, Maine, where he died October 15, 
1846, aged seventy-six years. His wife died at Waldoboro', 
Maine, September 15, 1849. They had five children, the 
descendants of whom, many of them, reside here. 

232 histoby of castine, 


Adams, Saimuel, [Portrait on opposite page.] 

Mr. Adams was born in Pembroke, New Hampshire* 
March 5, 1790. His father, Doctor Thomas Adams, was 
from Lincohi, Massachusetts, and his mother was from 
Watertown, in the same State. His father studied medi- 
cine with Doctor Spring, of Watertown, and after his mar- 
riage moved to Pembroke, where he had an extensive prac- 
tice until a year previous to his death, which occurred in 
1809. At this time Mr. Adams came to Castine as a clerk 
in the store of Judkins & Adams, the latter named partner 
being his brother. After the evacuation of the town by 
the English, in 1815, he went into trade with Thomas E. 
Hale, Esq. ; afterwards, with his brother Thomas. In 1821, 
he married a daughter of Doctor Moulton, of Bucksport, 
and went into business alone. In 1835, he . took Mr. 
William Foster, as a partner ; and in 1855, he sold his stock 
to his sons, Samuel, and Alfred P. Upon the death of his 
son Samuel (in 1861), Deacon Adams purchased back the 
stock of goods, and resumed business again. He continued 
in business until 1872, when he sold out to Messrs. Hooper 
& Shepherd, and retired from all active pursuits. He was 
principal owner of the ships Robert 3Iorris^ Adams, Sam- 
uel Adams, Castine, Saint James, J. P. Whitney, and of 
many smaller vessels. He was engaged largely in the 
Grand Bank and other fisheries, and in the importation of 
Liverpool and Cadiz salt. He has held many important 
positions in town, and for thirty-six years has been a deacon 
in the Second Congregational Society of Castine. He still 
lives at the advanced age of eighty-four years — a hale old 
gentleman, with all his faculties miimpaired — cheered by tlie 
presence of his worthy wife, and the companionship of his 
children and a host of friends. 

Adams, Thomas. 

Mr. Thomas Adams was born at Pembroke, New Hamp- 
shire, July 3, 1783. He died at Roxbury, Massachusetts, 
December 31, 1847. He was married May 23, 1815, to 
Miss Jane Russell, of St. Andrews, New Brunswick. His 
active business life was passed at Castine. In 1837, he 


removed to Boston, and thence, on account of failing health, 
to Roxbury. lie carried on a prosperous mercantile busi- 
ness here for many years, was a Representative to the 
General Court of Massachusetts ; and for several years was 
one of the Selectmen of the town. 

" He was extensivel}'" known and beloved as a man and 
a Christian, and those who partook of his kindness and 
shared his hospitality, could not easily forget his winning 
manners and cordial welcome. He was associated with 
two other gentlemen in establishing the Trinitarian church 
in Castine, and its welfare was near his heart. Prospered 
as he was in his mercantile career, and blessed with worldly 
goods, he did not forget to oifer upon the altar of God, a 
large portion of his gifts. The poor clergyman, the feeble 
church, the struggling missionary, can bear testimony to 
his generous heart. The Sabbath school in his church was 
the result of his personal labors, and his heart was warm 
and his prayers were fervent for his pupils, — he loved them 
much. In the prayer meeting, in the Bible class, by 
the bed-side of the sick and dying, his voice was ever heard ; 
and many were the hearts whose anguish has been soothed, 
and over whose fleeting spirits came a gleam of consolation 
and hope, as he guided them to the Saviour. 

Two years of extreme illness, and, towards the last, of 
great suffering, had impaired the powers of his mind, but 
his last intelligible words were: ' There is re&f for me in 
heaven.' " 

Bryant, Joseph. 

Joseph Bryant, son of Joseph and Sarah (Little) Bryant, 
was born in Marshfield, Massachusetts, December 3, 1789. 
His parents both died before he was eight years of age, 
and he was brought up in the family of his uncie, Mr. 
Waterman, of Marshfield. In the year 1800, he came to 
Castine, and entered the store of his uncle, Otis Little, 
with whom he remained until he became of age, when he 
went into business for himself. During a few years, pre- 
vious to 1830, Mr. Charles K. Tilden was connected with 
him . 

In 1835 he removed to Bangor, and remained in business 
there until his death, March 31, 18(33. 

He was twice married, — iiist, on September 23, 1816, to 
Sarah Little, a native of Bremen, Maine, who died Mav 6, 


1822 ; and second, on November 15, 1824, to Abigail Curtis, 
a native of Sharon, Massachusetts, who still survives him. 
While a resident of Castine, he was a member of the House 
of Representatives of this State, and served several years 
on the Board of Selectmen. After his removal to Bangor, 
he was twice elected Mayor as a Whig and Temperance 
candidate. He was in early life a Federalist in politics, 
afterwards a Whig, and subsequently a Republican. He 
was a member of the Unitarian Society of Castine, but 
after he became a resident of Bangor, he took an active 
part in establishing the Episcopal Society there — his pref- 
erence having long been for that mode of worship — and 
was one of its Wardens from its organization to his death, 
a period of twenty-seven years. The following tribute to 
his character is from the Bangor "Whig and Courier," of a 
date shortly after his death : 

"Mr. Bryant was an honorable merchant, a generous, 
liberal citizen, an honest man, a consistent Christian. The 
poor and needy always found him a ready helper, the young, 
a judicious and careful adviser, the city a thoughtful coun- 
selor, the church a generous giver, while his whole life 
bore ample evidence of his integrity, his wisdom, and his 
fidelity. During his life, and annd the vicissitudes of mer- 
cantile life, no one can point a finger to an act that would 
cast a shadow on his good name, and no words can more 
appropriately do justice to his memory, than these simple 
ones — 'Semper Fidelis.' " 

TiLDEN, Charles Kirk. 

Charles Kirk Tilden was the oldest son of Charles Til- 
den, who was born in Boston, Massachusetts, in 1768. 
He was born in Digby, Nova Scotia, February 19, 1793 ; 
and died in Castine, January 21, 1860, aged sixty-seven 
vears. lie married Mary, daughter of Judge Nathan 
Reed, of Belfast, Maine. They had three children : 
George F., Mary G., and Charles W. This family can 
trace an uninterrupted descent from Sir Richard Tylden, 
Seneschal to Hugh de Lacy, the Constable of Chester, in 
the reign of Henry H, who accompanied Richard I, 
(Coeur de Leon,) in his crusades to the Holy Land. 
Nathaniel Tilden, a member of the Tenterden branch of 
the family, emigrated to America in 1623, in the ship Ann, 
and landed at Plymouth. The subject of this sketch was 
his descendant by six removes. 


Charles Kirk Tilden came to Castine at the age of nine 
years. He commenced his mercantile life in the employ- 
ment of Mr. Doty Little. He continued with him a num- 
ber of years, and became associated with him in business. 
He subsequently became largely interested with the late 
Joseph Bryant, in the West India trade. He continued 
in mercantile pursuits until his death. His worthy and 
beloved wife survived him for a little more than fourteen 
years, her death occurring June 23, 1874. The children 
are all living, and residents of Castine. 

Walker, John. 

Mr. John Walker was born in Staffordshire, England, 
April 22, 1754. He married, about the year 1810, Emma 
Roundy, a daughter of John Roundy, one of the early 
settlers of Bluehill. They had six sons and three daugh- 
ters. He died June 20, 1831, aged seventy-four years two 
months and eight days. 

Mr. Walker enlisted in the British army at the early 
age of thirteen years. He served under General Burgoyne, 
in his expedition from Canada into New York, in 1777 ; 
and M'as amongst the number of prisoners of war surren- 
dered by that officer to General Gates at Saratoga, Octo- 
ber 17, 1777. He was released on parole, and immedi- 
ately renounced his allegiance to Great Britain, took the 
oath of fidelity to the United States, and enlisted in the 
American army. It is said that he deserted from the 
American army, was apprehended, and condemned to be 
shot. That his friends laid the case before Lady Wash- 
ington, who went to see him in his confinement, and that 
on her intercession, he was pardoned and restored to his 
former good standing. This statement is from somewhat 
doubtful authority, and is probably apocryphal. The fact 
of his honorable disclmrge is known with certainty; and 
he was always regarded by his contemporaries as one who 
had done the cause of liberty much service. 

After the close of the war, Mr. Walker bought a farm 
on Cunningham's Ridge, in the town of Sedgwick. He 
remained there a few years, and then moved to Snow's 
Cove, and engaged in lumbering. Not liking this place, 
however, he sold it, about the year 1810, and purchased. 


of Mr. John Lee, the mills situated at the head of the 
southern branch of the Bagaduce river, in the town of 
Brooksville. Mr. Walker's descendants are quite numer- 
ous. Among them may be mentioned the Honorable 
Joseph G. Walker, a Commissioner for Hancock County, 
Captain Amos Walker, and Deacon Joseph Walker — the 
latter being now in his seventy-seventh year. The sub- 
ject of this sketch served for many years as a Captain in 
the Militia, and was always a leading man in the commu- 
nity where he lived. Soon after coming to Brooksville, he 
was elected a deacon of the First Congregational Church, 
and continued in this office until his death. Mrs. Thank- 
ful Black, of Sedgwick, composed an elegy upon the 
occasion of his faneral, which was afterwards published. 

" AVith constant care he lived a holy life, 
And kept the faith, in midst of war and strife. 
For many years the ways of God he tried, 
A saint he lived, and lilie a saint he died." 

Whitney, Samuel. 

Samuel Whitney, the father of Samuel Austin Whitney, 
was the youngest son of Benjamin Whitney by his second 
wife, Abigail Bridge. He was born in Marll3orough, Massa- 
chusetts, September 5, 1734. When about two years old 
his parents moved to Boston. When three years old, his 
father died. He was married to Abigail Cutler, October 
20, 1757. He went into business in Boston, at first ; but 
moved to Castine when about fifty-nine years of age. He 
bought timber lands at Orland, and shipped lumber to 
various foreign and domestic ports. He put up and carried 
on a rope-walk , built an excellent wharf near where Com- 
mercial wharf now is ; and built and purchased several 
ships and other vessels. One of these, the Hiram^ is famous 
for its many captures by, and re-captures from the French. 
Soon after coming to reside here, Mr. Whitney erected a 
stately mansion — now torn down — in which he continued 
to reside during the remainder of his days. He died on 
Sunday, May 29, 1808, aged seventy -four years. 

In his religious views, Mr. Whitney was brought up a 
strict Calvinist, but in the later years of his life he adopted 
the views of the Universalists. Upon his death bed he 
turned to one near him and said: "Should they ask how a 
Universalist could die, tell them that T died in the full 


belief of God's universal love for all mankind." His wife 
died in this town, July 2, 1813, aged seventy-nine years. 
They had twelve sons, and five daughters. 

WiTHERLE, William. 

William Witherle. son of Joshua and Rebecca (Howe) 
Witherle, was^ born in Boston, where his parents resided, 
December 15, 1784. His grandfather, Theophilus With- 
erell, lived on Cape Cod, probably in what is now the town 
of Truro. In 1798, in the fourteenth year of his age, he 
came to Castine and went into the store of his uncle, David 
Howe, where he continued until he attained his majority, 
shortly after which — on April 28, 1806 — he commenced 
business with Mr. Benjamin Hook, under' the name of 
Hook & Witherle. This connection lasted two years, after 
which he was without a partner until November 6, 1810, 
when the firm of Witherle & Jarvis — consisting of him- 
self and Mr. John H. Jarvis — was formed. This partner- 
ship was dissolved February 12, 1844 ; and on March the 
first, of the same year, he associated with Mr. Benjamin 
D. Gay, under the name of William Witherle & Co. This 
firm — of which his son, Mr. William H. Witherle, after- 
wards ])ecame a member — was dissolved February 28, 1855, 
closing his connection with trade. 

His ownership in navigation commenced quite early in 
life, and continued till his death, which occurred, after a 
brief sickness, April 13, 1860. 

He married, December 25, 1815, Sally Bryant, a native 
of Marshfield, Massachusetts, and daughter of Joseph and 
Sarah (Little) Bryant of that town, who survived him less 
than three months. 

Mr. Witherle was a person of regular and temperate 
habits, and until the last few years of his life — during 
which he was somewhat of an invalid — in the enjoyment 
of general good health. 

Never in the slightest degree a politician, he had a strong 
interest in the Free-Soil movement, and a desire for the 
success of the Republican party. 

His father was a member of Reverend John Murray's 
religious society in lioston ; and he, himself, of the Unita- 
rian and Uuiversalist societies, during their existence here ; 



and though but little inclined to theological controversy, 
he always entertained to the close of his life, a deep regard 
for the religious views known as liberal, and a firm belief 
in them. 

At the time of his death, and for some years previously, 
no man was living on the peninsula of Castine, who was 
there when he came to it. There were several older per- 
sons, but no one who had been so long a resident. 

His sons, William H. and George H. Witherle, still re- 
side and do business in this town. 



Municipal History of Bkooksvillb. 

The town of Brooksville was incorporated by act of the 
General Court of Massachusetts, on June 13, 1817. It 
was named after Honorable John Brooks, the Governor of 
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, at that time. The 
general history of Brooksville, prior to its incorporation, is 
included in that of Penobscot and Castine — of which it 
formerly composed a part — with the exception of the small 
pbrtion derived from Sedgwick. In the half century that 
has elapsed since its incorporation, so little of public interest 
has transpired in this section of the State, especially in 
Hancock County, that the municipal history of so compar- 
atively young a town cannot reasonably be expected to 
equal that of older or more thickly settled communities. 
This town has, like Penobscot, been obliged to bestow its 
principal attention for many years upon the matter of its 
roads. Its records contain, as will be seen from the fol- 
lowing summary, but few matters of general interest ; and 
for the facts relating to its ecclesiastical and military his- 
tory the reader is referred to Chapters V and VII. 

Abstract of Records. 

1817. The first town meeting in Brooksville, was held 
sometime in the fall of 1817, at the house of Mr. John Bray. 
At this meeting Mr. John Wasson was chosen Moderator ; 
and Rogers Lawrence, Joseph G. Parker, and Elisha 
Smith, were elected as the first Board of Selectmen. The 
town also, at this time, chose Solomon Billings, Israel Red- 
man, Timothy Condon, John Hawes, William Parker, 
Cunningham Lymburner, and John Blodgett, as a commit- 
tee to district the town for schools. 

1818. The annual meeting of the town, in 1818, was 
held at the houae of Mr. Benjamin Reu. The town this 


year made its first appropriation forscliools, and elected its 
first School Committee. The amount appropriated was 
two hundred dollars. The School Committee consisted of 
David Walker, John Douglass, William Blodgett, John 
Lord, Ephraim Blake, Phineas Norton, and John M. Foster. 
1819. In 1819, the town voted, by a very decided ma- 
jority against a separation of the District of Maine, from 
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

1821. The town at its annual meeting in 1821, voted 
its usual appropriation of two hundred dollars for schools; 
and at a subsequent meeting voted an additional amount of 
one hundred and ninety dollars. 

1822. The appropriation for the support of schools, 
was four hundred dollars, in 1822. 

1823. In the year 1823, the town instructed the Se- 
lectmen to arrange witli the municipal officers of Castine, 
the proportion which Brooksville should pay annually, 
for the support of a ferry, at what was formerly called 
Lymburner's Ferry — between North Castine, and West 
Brooksville. The town this year, instructed the Selectmen 
to negotiate for suitable burying grounds, in different por- 
tions of its territory. For the next twenty years nothing 
of special interest occurs in the records of the town. 

1833 — 1843. In 1833, the amount of school money 
apj)ropriated by the town was increased to four hundred 
and forty dollars ; and in 1843, it was raised to four hun- 
dred and eighty dollars. 

1846. At its annual meeting in 1846, the town voted 
to build a town-house, and to have it located in Sylvester 
Condon's pasture, near the southwest corner ; John Hawes, 
Andrew Gray, and Simeon Allen, were chosen as a build- 
ing committee. At another, and later, meeting the town 
decided to have the building placed in the same pasture, 
but "on the north side of the bars leading from the high- 
way." An attempt had been made for many years to in- 
duce the town to provide a settled place for its annual 
meetings, but the article in the warrant in relation to the 
matter, had heretofore invariably been passed over. 

1853 — 1856. The appropriation for schools in 1853, 
was six hundred dollars ; and in 1856, the amount was in- 
creased to eight hundred and fifty. 

1862 — 1865. In 1862, the appropriation for the sup- 
port of schools was eight hundred and sixty dollars ; and 
this is about the amount generally raised by the town, for 


this purpose, in subsequent years. From this time until 
the close of the war of the Rebellion, nothing occurs in the 
town records of any particular interest, except what re- 
lates to the appropriation of money for bounties, for the 
support of the families of volunteers, and for other pur- 
poses connected, directly' or indirectly, with the war then 
being carried on. As these amounts are all included in 
another place, they are in consequence omitted here. [See 
pages 16cS, 169.] 

For several years after the incorporation of the town, the 
inhabitants of Brooksville, were without a Post Office, and 
were obliged to cross the water to Castine, or go to Penob- 
scot, or Sedgwick, for their mail. The letters were usu- 
ally obtained from these towns, and distributed to the in- 
habitants by one or more carriers. As the popuhition in- 
creased, however, the difficulty of transmitting the mail to 
different portions of the town increased also, and accord- 
ingly a Post Office was established there about the year 
1830, and John R. Redman was appointed postmaster at 
that time. At the present time offices are established in 
each section of the town. [See Brooksville Directory.] 



Present and Future of the Three Towks. 

Brooksville, according to tlie census of 1870, contains a 
population of one thousand two hundred and seventy-six 
souls. Its valuation is, Polls, three hundred and twenty- 
two ; Estates, two hundred and thirty-eight thousand nine 
hundred and eighty-seven dollars. Its principal business 
consists in navigation ; although the granite quarries in 
South Brooksville afford employment the greater portion 
of the time, to a large number of persons. The naviga- 
tion of the town consists mostly of small. coasting vessels, 
some of them rather old. These vessels, though of com- 
paratively small intrinsic value, carry freights as cheaply 
as those of much greater cost, and consequently afford a 
very much greater percentage of profit. The inhabitants 
of the Cape are mostly engaged in fishing. Numbers of 
them go to the Banks of Newfoundland, in vessels owned 
principally in, and sailing from, towns on Cape Ann. 
The remainder are chiefly engaged in shore fishing, and 
the obtaining of shell-fish. Brooksville was the latest of 
the three towns, whose history has been narrated, to be 
incorporated into a separate municipality. It was, indeed, 
a sort of off-shoot from the towns of Castine and Penob- 
scot, and in its earlier years, offered less inducements to 
settlers than either of these towns. The aspect of things, 
however, has changed very much, of late years. There is 
now growing up in West Brooksville a thrifty little village, 
which threatens, ere many years, to completely cast into 
the shade its more favored rivals. The causes which have 
led to the rather rapid growth of this town within recent 
years, are said by an aged merchant — of this vicinity, but 
not a resident of the town — a gentleman of sound judg- 
ment, and of large information in regard to the business 
affairs of these communities, to be as follows : First — the 
early and steadfast encouragement to the cause of temper- 
ance reform. This cause gave the first impetus not only 


to the social happiness of the citizens, but to the financial 
prosperity of the community. Secondly — the advance 
made by the town in educational matters. Thirdly — the 
inducements held out to the young men of the town, to 
marry and settle at home, instead of seeking their fortune 
abroad, as is too often the case in New England towns. 
Possibly the reason first given is the cause of the other 
two. If so, what more glowing encomium could be paid 
to the cause of temperance, than the mere recital of the 
fact ! The growth of Brooksville being due to the causes 
mentioned, it requires no prophetic power to predict a 
continued prosperity, so long as these same causes shall 
remain in operation. This town having no great agricul- 
tural capabilities, must, however, continue in the future to 
extract its wealth, as it has in the past, from its granite 
hills, draw it from the bosom of the deep, or increase it by 
maritime enterprise. 

The town of Penobscot, though like most of the 
neighboring towns, it has lost in population during the 
last decade, has increased in wealth. Its present popula- 
tion is about one thousand four hundred and eighteen 
souls.. Its valuation in 1870 was, Polls, three hundred and 
twenty-nine ; Estates, two hundred and twenty-seven 
thousand three hundred and fifty -six dollars. This town 
is engaged somewhat in navigation, and in small manufac- 
tures, but is, on the whole, to be considered as an agricul- 
tural town. Its increased prosperity of late years, not- 
withstanding its marked falling off in population, is, 
doubtless, due to the temperance, frugality and industry of 
its citizens. It is simply the slow and natural growth in 
wealth that every town ouglit to show, where no extrinsic 
causes have interfered to produce a decline. Its financial 
growth is due partly, of course, to the new vessels that 
have been built, and to the manufactures that have sprung 
up ; but is due mainly to the increased value of its farms. 
The situation and soil of Penobscot is sueli, however, that 
it can never compare, agriculturally, with the more favor- 
able soils of many other places in the State. Its future 
prosperity will depend principally upon the encouragement 
extended to Manufactures. It possesses sufficient water 
power to enable it to carry on manufactories of a small 
kind to an almost unlimited extent ; and its facilities for 
navigation would even, it is tliought, render the employ- 
ment of steam power profitable. The manufactui-e of 


brick has been carried on there for a long period, but the 
business has never been conducted to the fullest extent of 
which it is capable. With good farms, tolerable facilities 
for navigation, excellent chances for manufactures of all 
kinds, and an industrious and hard-working population, 
there is no reason to doubt the continued prosperity of 
the town. 

The past and present condition of Castine has been so 
fully treated in the chapter upon the commercial history 
of the town, that but little remains to be added. Within 
the last decade, this town has declined, both in population 
and in its valuation. Its population in 1870, was one 
thousand three hundred and four. Its valuation, at that 
time, was. Polls, two hundred and fifty-eight ; Estates, 
four hundred and sixty-one thousand three hundred and 
forty-three dollars. In 1860, the valuation of the Estates 
was seven hundred and sixty-four thousand five hundred 
and seventy-one dollars. This apparently excessive depre- 
ciation of -property is due, in great part, to the fact that 
the valuations for some years had been altogether too high, 
and had consequently been reduced. Notwithstanding 
this fact, however, there has undoubtedly been a decline 
in the wealth of the town, within the last ten or fifteen 
years — as well as for a much longer period. While it 
might be an error to state that the business of the town 
was still on the decline, it cannot be said to be on the 
increase. The location here of the State Normal School, 
and the starting of a factory for the canning of lobsters 
and shell-fish have, in a measure, counteracted the failure of 
certain other branches of business; and the financial condi- 
tion of the town is probably what it was at the last census. 
What outlook does the future offer ? The town cannot 
again, within the present century, at least, reasonably 
expect to see the day when it will be possible for any one 
to utter the boast that he " could go from the upper to the 
lower wharf upon the decks of vessels ;" but nevertlieless, 
shipping must continue to be, to a certain extent, one of 
the sources of its prosperity. To what extent this will be 
the case, will depend upon the degree in wliich navigation 
is revived throughout New England. Its limited territory 
forbids any hopes of its ever becoming an important agri- 
cultural town. Its farms can never supply even the home 
demand. Its want of water power, and its limited supply 
of fresh water needed for steam power, will jjrevent its 


ever becoming, to any great extent, a manufacturing town ; 
unless, indeed, the advances made in scientific knowledge 
should some day enable the immense power of the ocean 
tides to be made available. The only reasonable prospect 
for the immediate future lies in encouraging, as much as 
possible, the current of summer travel, which has already 
begun to flow in this direction. The natural advantages 
of the town as a place of summer resort, are already too 
well and widely known, to need any special advertisement. 
All that is needed, on the part of our people, is a spirit of 
fairness, in all their transactions, to offset the extortionate 
demands of our more celebrated watering-places. 

Penobscot, Castine, and BrooksviUe possess a common 
origin, and the same history. They are bound together 
by the ties of neighborhood and of consanguinity. Their 
business interests do not conflict with one another; 
and whatever tends to increase the general well-being 
and prosperity of one, will inevitably benefit the others 
also. As they were one in origin, it is to be hoped that 
they may continue to accord, in all their aims and efforts. 



" The grounds I work upon." 

Shak. — All 's well that ends well, in — !• 


Consisting of Translations of the "Documents Col- 
lected IN France," now in the Archives of the 
coivoionwealth of massachusetts, and sundsy 
other Sesiilar Documents from both English and 
French Sources, Arranged in Chronological 

Deposition of Edivard Naylor. 

" The Testomony of Edward Naylor aged = 32= yeares 
or ther Aboutes Sartifieth that haveing the charge and 
command of Negew Belonging to Penobscott for the 
acct = of Coll® Tempells = Now = S' Thomas Tempells 
That In Aprill = 1662 = Leiueftennant Gardner = com- 
mand" of Penobscott for ye sayed ColP Tempells Accompt 
Writt = to me that ColP Tempell had Left y^ fortes & that 
Capt. Thomas Bredion had Taken Poshion [sic] of them 
& had Dismissed him & the Rest of the men from y^ sayed 
Tempells Imply : & sarves & Plased a M'' Gladman Governor 
of the fortt® & other offeseres & soldiers : the sayed Gard- 
ner = having Received a Commission from y** sayed Bredon 
[sic\ : & : Commanded mee In his Magestys mane [^sic] 
to Declare to the men that they wear the all Discharged 
tfrom ColP Tempelles sarves & to be opon the Accompt of 
Capt. Thomas Bredion from that Time : & allso =: they 
sayed gardner sayed that Capt. Bredion : had a Commishon 
from his magesty : opon the obedences of which hey soren- 
dred the ffortt & Trad® = &=^y® Goodes = deposed in 
Generall Court 25 of octobre 1666. p Edw. Rawson Secret. 
[Mass. Records, Vol. 67. p. 115.] 


Extract from a letter of Sir Thomas TempWs to the Lords of 

the Council^ November 24, 1668. 

" May it please your Lordships, 'Tis my duty to acquaint 
you that I received his Majesty's Letter dated the 31st of 


December, 1667, for the delivering up of the Country of 
Acadia^ the 20th of October^ 1668, by Monsieur MoriUon du 
Bourg, deputed by the most Christian King, under the 
Great Seal of France, to receive the same ;***** 
I thought fit also to let your Lordships know, that those 
Ports and Places named in my first Order, were a part of 
one of the Colonies of JVetv England, viz : Pentagoet, 
belonging to New Plymouth, which has given the Magis- 
trates here [Query. In Boston?] great Cause of Fear, 
and Apprehensions of so potent a Neighbour, which may 
be of dangerous Consequence to his Majesty's Service and 
Subjects, the Caribbee Islands having most of their Pro- 
visions from these Parts, and that Mons. du Bourg, informs 
me that the most Christian King intended to plant a Colony 
at Pentagoet, and make a Passage by Land to Quebec, his 
greatest Town in Canada, being but three Day's Journey 

[Memorials of the Eng. and French Commissaries con- 
cerning the Limits of Nova Scotia or Acadia, pp. 588, 589.] 


Instructions for Monsieur le Chevalier de Grandfontaine. 

La Rochelle, March 5, 1670. 
The said Sieur de Grandfontaine will understand that 
the said province of Acadia, which is included within the 
whole extent of coast, which is found from, and includes 
Kennebec and Pentagoet, extending towards the north, to 
Canso, and Cape Breton, and all that land which is in this 
same extent of this coast, stretching to the west as far as 
•the Great River St. Lawrence, having been put under the 
authority and government of his Majesty, in the year 1630, 
by means of the possession which had then been taken by 
Monsieur the Commander de Razillai — charged with the 
orders of his Majesty to that end ; that this possession had 
some interruptions upon the part of the English, which in- 
terruptions were followed by several treaties, by which the. 
restitution of it has always been promised and conceded to 
his Majesty. Among others by the first article of the 
treaty made at Paris, in the month of March, in the year 
1632, between Isaac Houac, Ambassador of his said Britannic 
Majesty, and Messrs. de Bouillon and Bouthillier, Com- 
missioners upon the part of the King, by which article, it 
is precisely stated that the said Sieur de Houac promises, 


in the name of his said Britannic Majesty, to cause to be 
surrendered to his said Majesty, all the places occupied in 
New France, Acadia, and Canada, and to give, for that 
purpose, the necessary copies of the treaty to those who 
command, on the part of his said Britannic Majesty, at Port 
Royal. And again by article tenth, of the treaty of Breda, 
in the year 1667 — upon the last invasion of said country, by 
the English, in the year 1654 — it is again expressly de- 
clared that the King of Great Britain, shall likewise make 
restitution to the Most Christian King, or to such person 
as shall be proposed for it, by his order, well and duly at- 
tested by the Great Seal of France, of the country in North 
America, called Acadia, which the Most Christian King 
possessed heretofore, and to that end the said King of 
Great Britain, immediately after the exchange of the rati- 
fications of peace, will deliver, or will cause to be deliv- 
ered, to the said Most Christian King, or to some one who 
shall be commissioned by him, all the memoranda and 
orders necessary for the said restitution. 

The Sieur de Grandfontaine should know that it is in 
execution of this article, that the King of Great Britain, 
has caused to be delivered, the orders of which Sieur de 
Grandfontaine is bearer to him, as well as [bearer] of the 
commission of his Majesty, well and duly attested by the 
Great Seal of France. 

And as the eleventh article of the same treaty of Breda, 
decides what should be done with respect to the inhabi- 
tants of the said country of Acadia, who shall desire to 
leave, the purport of it will be inserted here, in order that 
the said Sieur de Grandfontaine, may observe it, and that 
he may have for it all proper regard. 

Article eleventh of the Treaty of Breda : 

" But if any of the inhabitants of the said country called 
Acadia, prefer or desire to be under the rule of the King 
of Great Britain, it shall be permitted them to depart from 
it within the space of one year, reckoning from the da}' of 
the restitution of the country, and to sell, to pass in ac- 
count, or otherwise dispose of, as shall appear advantage- 
ous to them, their lands, slaves and all other movable or 
immovable property, and such persons as shall contract 
with them for that purpose shall be obliged to draw up 
their contracts under the autliority of the Most Christian 
King — but if they prefer to depart and carry with them 


their liousehold goods, slaves, cattle, silver, and all other 
movable things, he will suffer them to be carried off with- 
out any hindrance or molestation whatever. 

(Signed) ARLINGTON." 

As regards the restitution which is demanded in execu- 
tion of the said articles, and of the orders whereof the said 
Sieur de Grandfontaine is bearer, he should know that it 
is the lands, country, ports, rivers, and places, or forts, 
which are from and include the said place of Kennebec, 
and Pentagoet, as far as Canso, and Cape Breton included, 
and all the extent of territory, as far as the river St. Law- 
rence, — without any reservation or exception. And that 
he ought particularly to stick to Pentagoet, the restitution 
of which has always been demanded by his Most Christian 
Majesty, as well as the forts upon the river St. John, and 
Port Royal, even as it appears from the letters of his Most 
Christian Majesty, of January 30, and October 7, 1658, 
written by Monsieur de Bordeaux, at that time his Am- 
bassador in England, concerning the last invasion made by 
the English upon said forts, in the year 1654. 

The said Sieur de Grandfontaine, having obtained this 
restitution, and having been put in possession of the said 
territory, will be able in his discretion and prudence to de- 
cide where he will make his principal establishment — 
which it appears to us ought to be at Pentagoet, as being 
the place nearest the territory under the English rule, and 
where he will be better able to support and protect the 
lands under the rule of his Majesty, which are, as has been 
said before, extending towards the north, from the middle 
of Pentagoet, as far as Cape Breton. 

And when the Sieur de Grandfontaine shall be settled, 
he ought to pay great attention in regard to putting him- 
self promptly in a state of defense, and protecting himself 
against all the accidents which might happen in the course 
of time and of affairs, by fortifying himself and providing 
himself with everything necessary for that purpose — for 
which, besides that already furnished him, his Majesty will • 
provide for what more will be necessary for him in the 
memoranda of them which he will take care to send. 

In resuming possession of the aforesaid things, the said 
Sieur de Grandfontaine will take care to have instructive 
memoranda made of the condition of those places which 
shall be given up to him, including the fortifications, build- 


ings, the number and quality of inhabitants, and the means 
and conveniences for their subsistence and trade. 

He will use all the authority which is given him by his 
Majesty, and all the forces which are, and shall be en- 
trusted to him, to strengthen the traffic that his Majesty 
may in future be able to make on the said coast of Acadia 
— either for permanent or transient fishing, dressing of furs, 
erecting of dwellings, tillage of lands, or such other things 
as they desire to attempt there — and that without exclu- 
sion of any one, allowing full and entire liberty to all the 
subjects of his said Majesty, to go and come, and to carry 
on such traf&c as they shall wish ; but interdicting and 
taking away this same freedom of trade and residence from 
all strangers, unless they are provided with an express 
order of the King ; having regard all the time, that in this 
exclusion from residence he ought not to include the Eng- 
lish who are settled in the country, and places which shall 
be restored and delivered to the King; but should require of 
them an oath of fidelity and submission to his Majesty, such 
as good and faithful subjects ought to make and keep. 

And as, for the maintenance of the said country of Aca- 
dia, it appears that there is nothing more important to do 
than to open communication with the inha1)itants of the 
French Colonies, which are upon the river St. Lawrence, 
the Sieur de Grandfoutaine should give particular atten- 
tion to find the means ; and he should go to work without 
losing a moment of time — and it appears that this commu- 
nication can better be found by way of the river St. John 
with that of the Savages, or that of Pentag(3et with that of 
the Saut, otherwise called Chaudiere, than by any other 
places. For the examination and discussion of the best 
means for this communication, by any other places, as well 
as of all other things, he will have as much acqiuxintance 
and correspondence as he can, with Monsieur de Cour- 
celles, Governor, and Lieutenant General for the King in 
Canada, and the country of New France, and Monsieur 
Talon, Intendant of the said conntry, — to follow in every- 
thing their instructions and advice. 

And supposing — what is not to be believed — that the 
said Sieur de Grandfoutaine finds insurmountable obsta- 
cles to the restitution of the countr}^ before mentioned, and 
to taking possession of it, he must know that it would not 
be expedient for the service of his Majesty, that he should 
return to France, with the people Avho shall be placed un- 


der his command ; but that he oiig^ht to endeavor to take a 
position in some place, upon the said coast of Acadia, 
either at La Heve, or such other phice as he shall judge 
fit, in order to give account of his anxieties, and of the 
difficulties that he will have met in the execution of his 
orders, whereupon his Majesty will let him know what he 
shall do. 


["Documents Collected in France" Vol. II, page 211, et 

Act of Surrende?' of Fort Pentagoet, in Acadia, hy Captain 
Richard Walker, to the Chevalier de Crand-Fontaine, 
August 5, 1670, with a detailed account of the condition 
of the said Fort, and of all the things that ivere and did 
remain in the said Fort, at the time of its surrender to the 
said Chevalier de Grand-Fontaine. 

The fifth Day of August, 1670, being in the Fort of 
Pentagiiet, in the Countries of Acadia, whereof we took 
Possession for his most Christian Majesty the Seventeenth 
Day of last Month, Captain Richard Walker, heretofore 
Deputy Governor of the said Fort, and of the said Coun- 
tries of Acadia, representing the Person of Sir Thomas Tem- 
ple. Knight and Baronet, accompanied with Isaac Garden, 
Gentleman, did jointly require of us, that we should give 
a particular Account of the Condition of the said Fort, 
and of all Things which were and did remain in the 
said Fort, when the Possession thereof was given unto 
us by the abovesaid Captain Richard Walker, that they 
might have an Instrument in Writing indented, to deliver 
to the said Sir Thomas Temple for their Discharges, where- 
unto we do accord ; and for that End and Purpose, we, in 
the Presence of the above named, and of the Sieur Jean 
Maillard, the King's Scrivener in the Ship of his Majesty, 
called the St. Sebastian, commanded by Monsieur la 
Clocheterie, as also of another Secretary, writing under Us, 
the said Proceedings in Manner and Form following. 

First, at the entring in of the said Fort upon the left 
Hand, we found a Court of Guard* of about fifteen 
Paces long, and ten broad, having upon the right Hand a 
House of the like Length and Breadth, built Avith hewen 

*An old form of expression for Guard-house. See Shakspeare— I King 
Henry YI. Act II. So. 1, 4th line. 


Stone, and covered with Shingles, and above them there is a 
Chapel of about six Paces long, and four Paces broad, cov- 
ered with Shingles, and built with Terras,'* upon which 
there is a small Turret, wherein there is a little Bell, 
weighing about eighteen Pounds. 

More, upon the left Hand as we entered into the Court, 
there is a Magazine, having two Stories, built with Stone, 
and covered with Shingles, being in Length about thirty- 
six Paces Long, and ten in Breadth, which Magazine is 
very old, and Avanted much Reparation, and which there 
is [a] little Cellar, wherein there is a Well. 

And upon the other Side of the said Court, being on 
the right Hand, as we enter into the said Court, there is 
a House of the same Length and Breadth as the Magazine 
is, being half covered with Shingles, and the rest uncov- 
ered, and wanted much Reparation ; these we have exactly 
viewed, and taken notice of. 

Upon the Rampart of the said Fort, and in Presence of 
our Canonier, whom we caused to be there present, to take 
a View of the several Pieces of Cannon, are as followeth. 

First, six Iron Guns carrying a Ball of six Pounds, 
whereof two are furnished with new Carriages, and the 
other four with old Carriages and new Wheels; Two of 
them weighing eighteen hundred and fifty Pounds, each of 
them ; Three weighing each of them fifteen hundred 
Pounds ; the other weighing two Thousand two hundred 
and Thirty Pounds. 

More, two Iron Guns, carrying a Ball of four Pounds, 
having old Carriages and new Wheels, one weighing one 
Thousand three hundred and ten Pounds, the other weigh- 
ing one Thousand two Hundred and thirty-two. 

More, two small Iron Culverines, carrying a Ball of three 
Pounds, having their Carriages old and their Wheels new, 
weighing each of them nine Hundred twenty-five Pounds. 

Afterwards we went out of the said fort and came to a 
little Plat-form near adjoining to the Sea, upon which we 
surveyed two Iron Guns, carrying a Ball of eight Pounds, 
furnished with new Carriages and new Wheels, the one 
weighing three Thousand two Hundred Pounds, and the 
other tliree Thousand one Hundred Pounds. 

Which are twelve Iron Guns, weighing twenty one 
Tliousand one Hundred twenty and two. 
•The French is " biltie sur une terrasse." 


More, we do find in the said Fort, six Murtherers witB- 
out Chambers, weighing twelve hundred Pounds. 

More, two hundred Iron Bullets, from three to eight 

Lastly, about thirty or forty Paces from the said Fort, 
there is a small Out-house, being about twenty Paces in 
Length and eight in Breadth, built with Planks, and half 
coveretl with Shingles, which do not serve for any Use but 
to house Cattle. 

More, about fifty Paces from the said Out-house, there 
is a square Garden, inclosed with Rails, in wliich Garden 
there are fifty or sixty Trees bearing Fruit. 

All which Things above Writ, we have exactly viewed 
and taken notice of in the Presence of the Persons under- 
written ; and I do acknowledge that they are in the Quality 
and Condition as is above declared ; whereof we have given 
this particular Account, that the Value thereof may be 
made good to the said Sir Thomas Temple^ or to his Heirs 
or his Assignees, or to whom it shall belong; whereunto 
we, with the above named, have put our Hands, and caused 
our Secretary to witness the same, the Day and Year above 
writ. Signed le Chevalier de Grratid-Fontaine, Jean Mail- 
lard, Hichard Walker. Isaac Cramer, Marshal Secretary. 

/ do herehy certify that this Paper is a true Copy compared 
with the Origiyial in the Books of this Office. Plantation 
Office, Whitehall, July the 12th, 1750. 

Signed Thoivias Hill. 

[From " The Memorials of the English and French Com- 
missaries concerning the Limits of Nova Scotia oT Acadia. 
London : M DCC LV." i3p. 606-610. — In the Library of the 
Boston Athenseum.] 


Condition of the Fort and p)ost of Pentagoet as it was in the 
year 1670, the sixth of August, when the English surren- 
dered it. 
First, a fort with four bastions, well flanked, which 

bastions, taking them as far as the verge of the terrace 

inside, are sixteen feet. 

The terraces on the inside are eight feet within [en] the 


On entering in at the said fort there is upon the left 

hand a guard-house that is from twelve to thirteen paces 

in length and six in breadth. 


Upon the same side is a low Magazine with another of 
equal size and length, being thirty-six paces in length and 
about twelve in breadth, covered with shingles, under which 
Magazines there is a small cellar nearly half as large as the 
Magazines, in which there is a well. 

Upon the right hand on entering into said fort there is a 
house of the same size as the aforesaid guard-house, in 
which there are three rooms. 

Above the passage which is between the guard-house 
and the house which is upon the right, there is a chapel, 
eight paces in length, and six in breadth, built of timber, 
and with mud walls, [Bouzillage,] upon which is a small 
steeple, in which is a metallic bell weighing eighteen 
pounds, the whole covered with shingles. 

Upon the right hand is a house, of the like length and 
breadth as the magazine, of the same character except that 
it is not all covered, and that it has no cellar. All of which 
houses are built of stone from Mayenne, [in the places] 
where a little repair is necessary. 

Sixty paces from the place there is a shed — half covered 
with plank — twenty -five paces long and twelve wide, which 
serves to house the cattle. 

About one hundred and forty paces from the place, there 
is a garden, which has been found in quite good condition, 
in which there are seventy or eighty feet of fruit trees. 

In regard to the Artillery upon the rampart of the said 
fort, the following cannon were found, first: 

Six iron guns carr3dng 6-lb. balls, two having new carri- 
ages, and the other four old, and the wheels new, which 
six pieces weigh, according to their marks, 
One 1800 pounds, 

One 1230 

Three others 1500 " 
One 1350 

Besides two pieces carrying 2-lb balls, having old carri- 
ages and new Avheels, weighing 

One 1310 pounds, 

The other 1232 

Besides, two iron Culverins, 3-lbers., with their carriages 
old and wheels new, weighing each 925 pounds. 

Besides, u})on a platform overlooking the sea and outside 
of the fort, two iron guns carrying an eight pound ball, 
having new carriages, 

One weighing 3200 pounds, 
The other 3100 


In the fort is found 200 bullets from three to eight 
pounds in size. Lastly, upon the ramparts there are six 
iron guns without stock, and dismounted, that they judge 
to weigh 1200 pounds. [" French Documents," page 227 
et seq.j 


Memorial of Monsieur Talon to the King. 

Quebec, November 10, 1670. 


I have entertained two Frenchmen and two Savages sent 
by the Chevalier de Grandfontaine, Governor of Acadia, 
with letters which show that the English have given back 
to him, in good faith, the portion for the restitution of 
which the King of Great Britain had engaged himself 
by the treaty of Breda. That he has been very well 
received and that there is reason to believe that he will 
easily bring about commercial relations with Boston if his 
Majesty judges it useful to his service. 

That he has found at Pentagoet the Fort, of which I 
send the plan under the apprehension that that which he 
had caused to go by the St. Sebastian might be lost.- That 
there is some timber suitable for the Navy, safe harbors 
and abundant fisheries throughout all the extent of Acaclta. 

That the privilege of fishing is only granted by the Eng- 
lish upon paying a duty of twenty-five crowns per boat. 
That this duty is collected by Colonel Temple or by his 
creditors for the discharge of his debts. It is of conse- 
quence to know whether the King desires that they should 
continue to give, in his name, the same permission to the 
English, and upon what terms. 

That the ground in the vicinity of Pentagoet is not the 
most suitable for cultivation, but is much like that of Port 
Royal and the river St. John. 

That almost all the soldiers desire to settle. 

That there was a place in the vicinity much better adapt- 
ed to receive a more regular fortification and of better secur- 
ity than the post that he was occup3dng, which is com- 
manded [ by the high land ?] and that his opinion was that 
he should work there and in this direction his inclination 
appears to me to incline him. 

That the English had seized a vessel which had been 
apparently taken away from Jamaica by a Frenchman from 


St. Malo, named La Fontaine, and by bim conducted to 
Boston, loaded witb Mercbandise estimated at more tban 
100,000 crowns and carrying some forty pieces of cannon, 
a part iron and a part brass. 

Tbat tbis La Fontaine bas escaped and tbat tbey mis- 
trust tbat tbis vessel belongs to tbe King. 

To tbis letter I bave replied in advance, and, under tbe 
good pleasure of bis Majesty, I bave made it known to tbe 
Cbevalier de Grandfontaine tbat my opinion was tbat be 
sbould not give any cause for jealousy to tbe Englisb, by 
new fortifications and new works, nor cause for belief tbat 
tbe King wisbes to become tbe master of all tbe fisberies 
wdiicb are for bis convenience, by excluding tbem and 
refusing permission [to fisb] until tbe autbority of bis 
Majesty was acknowledged and bis troops well confirmed 
in tbe post of Pentagoet — for tbe repair and fortification of 
wbicb it imports bim to give bis first and cbief attention 
and bis aid in establisbing tbe soldiers and tbeir families. 

And [to give] bis attention to bringing about a con- 
nexion and correspondence witb Boston in order to get 
from tbere wbat be wants, and for otber reasons wbicb I 
cannot lay down, since tbis correspondence may be useftd 
in tbis beginning of tbe settlement and may be broken 
wben it pleases bis Majesty. 

And as to tbe matter of tbe vessels — I bave sent letters 
to Colonel Temple, and to tbe Governor and Council of 
Boston, by wbicb I make entreaty witb all for tbat wbicb 
tbey preserve, and tbe crew of tbe vessel, its rigging and 
appurtenances, and tbe mercbandise wbicb tbey bave taken 
cliarge of, beseecbing tbem to send me by tbe lieutenant of 
Monsieur de Grandfontaine, wbo must be carrier of tbe let- 
ters, tbe duplicates of tbe proces verbal^ inventories and 
otber legal instruments wbicb bave been drawn up in 
regard to tbe detention of tbis vessel, so tbat if it is proved 
tbat it belongs to bis Majesty, I miglit make, in bis name, 
tbe claim in a Court of Justice. 

( "He bas well answered." — Colhei't.') 

[" French Documents," Vol. 2d, Page 231 et seq. 

Memoir of Monsieur Talon to the King. 

Quebec, 2d November, 1G71. 

Tbe Sieur de Marson, lieutenant of tbe Cbevalier de 


Grandfontaine, with whom he has fallen out, has come 
here from Pentagoet, with the consent of his captain. 
Both have given me their respective causes of complaint, 
which I shall examine, nevertheless I do not believe that 
it was for the King's service to dismiss the said lieutenant 
within his gate, before having either tried or settled his 
quarrel ; because their animosity appears too great, in 
order that the two parties should not proceed to any 
extreme in sight of the English, and as 1 know that the 
service of the King requires that I should make a voyage 
to Acadia before I return to France, I have kept near me 
the said lieutenant, who will accompany me on my journ- 
uey, that I shall make, if my health returns, either this 
winter, upon snow-shoes, or next spring, in canoes. 

I shall observe the condition of the two principal posts 
of Pentagoet and Port Royal, and if they need any repair, 
I will cause work to be done [on them.] 

[" French Documents," Vol. 1, page 247.] 

JExtract from a letter of Grovernor Leverett, to 3Ir. John 

Collins^ dated August 24, 1674. 

" Our neighbors, the Dutch, have been very neighborly 
since they had certaine intelligence of the peace. One of 
their captains have bin upon the French forts, taken 
Penobscot, with loss of men on both sides ; what they 
have done further east, we understand not." 

[From the Hutchinson Papers, p. 464.] 


Memorial from Count Frontenac to the Minister. 

Quebec, November 14, 1674. 

Although I am in despair at having to write to you news 
little agreeable, I cannot refrain from giving yon notice of 
the disaster which has happened to Monsieur Chambly, of 
his wound, of his confinement in prison, and of the capture 
of Pentagoet, together with that of Genesee, in the St. 
John's river, and of Monsieur Marson, who commanded 

What I have learned, from a letter that Monsieur Cham- 
bly has written me, is, that he was attacked by a crew of 


buccaneers, who had just come from St. Domingo, and 
who had crossed over from Boston, with one hundred and 
ten men, who, after landing, kept up their attack for an 

He received a musket-shot through the body, that com- 
pelled him to leave the field, and which also injured liis 
ensign; and the rest of his garrison which, with the inhab- 
itants, was composed of only thirty disaffected and badly 
armed men, surrendered at discretion. The pirates have 
pillaged the fort, carrying away all the guns ; and while 
they ought to have brought Monsieur Chambly to Boston 
with Monsieur Marson, he has been taken to the St. John's 
river, by a detachment who hold him as a ransom, and 
wish to make him pay a thousand beavers. 

As I received this news only the last of September, 
through the savages whom Monsieur Chambly sent me 
with his ensign, praying me to give an order for his ran- 
som, and as there remains not more than a month of navi- 
gation, I shall, in the inability of sending to Acadia for 
help — even although I may have the necessary things for 
that — content myself with sending some soldiers in canoes, 
in order to get news of the state in which they have left 
the fort; and if no invasion is made against Port Royal, 
to give orders to bring back tlie girl of Marson's, and 
those who are retained in the St. John's river, and to send 
to a correspondent that Monsieur Formont has provided 
for me at Boston, bills of exchange for the ransom of 
Monsieur Chambly, which I am obliged to discharge by 
my merchant at Rochelle, not thinking it for the glory of 
the King — for which I shall always sacrifice what little 
property I may have — to leave for the consideration of 
our neighbors a Governor in the hands of pirates, who 
would have brought him with them where one may be 
killed ; besides, that this poor gentleman is assuredly, on 
account of his merit and his long service, worthy of a bet- 
ter destiny. 

I have also written a letter to the Governor of Boston, 
of which 1 send you a copy. In' which I express my aston- 
ishment \o him, that while tliere has been no rupture 
between His Majesty and the King of England, he gives 
shelter to these pirates and these vagi-ants and men with- 
out employment, after they have insulted us so; and, as 
for me, I shall believe in failing [to carry out] the orders 


I have had, to keep up a good correspondence with them 
if I had opportunity for anything of the kind. 

I am persuaded that these people from Boston have 
employed these men there to do us this injury, they having 
given them even an English pilot to conduct them, they 
impatiently enduring our neighborhood, and the fear 
which this gives them for their fisheries and their trade. 

I do not know if those that I have sent you will be 
able to return before the departure of the vessels ; or 
whether I may be able to send other, more particular, 
news. But my Lord, by what I have written you now, 
and by what Monsieur Chambly will write you the first 
opportunity he finds, you will be able to discover the 
oiders that you should give for the safety of Acadia, and 
what you wish I should do, since you know I am unable 
to do any good as 82. 25. 12. 17. 69. 14. 17. 92. 5. to be 
able there,"failing 105. 33. 17. 29. 14. 57. 67. 104. 24. 18. 
32. 12. of all things 18. 86. 14. 106. 14. 20. 68. 37. 24. 39. 
17. 7. 79. 28. 17.* and that you expressly forbid me making 
any extraordinary expense, which I shall observe with the 
utmost care. 

It is very much to the purpose, I think, that I finish 
this letter, which ought to weary you, it has already been 
so long ; and that I add only those protestations that I 
will make to you, even to the last breath of my life. 
My Lord, 

Your very humble, very 
obedient, and very 
obliged servant, 


[" French Documents," Vol. 2, p. 287, et seq.] 

Letter of Monsieur de Colbert to 3Ionsieur de Frontenac, 

St. Germain-en Laye, 15th March, 1675. 


His Majesty has been surprised to learn that the forts of 
Pentagoet, and of Genesee, have been seized and pillaged 
by the crew of a privateer ; he cannot persuade himself 
that there has not been a little negligence upon the part 
of Sieur de Chambly. He wishes nevertheless, that you 
may do all that you possibly can to bring it [the captured 
•Perhaps the reader ■will decipher this ; we confess our inability to do so. 


vessel] back from Boston, together witli the soldiers and 
other persons taken with it, and to repair this mishap, in 
regard to the vessel which has been built in CariaJa. You 
have done well to compel the Sieur Baguire, agent of the 
company, to advance some money for the finishing of this 
construction. His re-imbursement will be provided for, 
and I will give the necessary orders to Monsieur de 
Demain, Intendant of the Navy, at Rochefort, to carry by 
the first vessels which shall go to Canada, all the rigging, 
appurtenances, arms, and ammunition necessary for the 
armament of this vessel, and to conduct it into one of the 
ports of the kingdom, his Majesty not wishing to confer 
such a favor upon this country as you propose. 
["French Documents — "vol. 2, page 291.] 


Order of Mr. Palmer, Judge of New York, to Thomas Sharpe^ 

Captain of a vessel. 

New York, July 23, 1686. 

He will go to Pentagoet, and will send his letter to 
Sieur de St. Castin. 

He will go to the places where are the wines which he 
had seized, in the name of his Britannic Majesty, and will 
put aboard his vessel, all which he can take. 

If he finds upon his return some ships or vessels negotia- 
ting to, or having put some merchandise ashore in the 
country, belonging to the Enghsh, he will seize them and 
will bring them to Pemaquid. 

["French Documents," voh 3, page 187.] 


Synopsis of a letter from Mr. Palmer, to the Sieur de, St. 


New York, July 31, 1686. 

As he learns that vessels are transporting contraband 
goods, he has sent one on a cruise upon the coasts subject 
to the jurisdiction of New York. 

He commands him in the name of His Britannic Majesty 
not to hinder the carrying off of the wine which has been 
found at Pentagoet. He warns him not to threaten the 
subjects of the English King, among others those who 
dwell on the island of Martini(;[uc; and that he will not be 
allowed on English 'territory if he intends to aid the Sav- 


Having orders from His Britannic Majesty to give lands 
to thosa who shall wish any, and to confirm to others that 
which iiikyh.^XB marked for said Sienr de St. Castin, [hav- 
ing orders] that, as he pretends to own a portion, he should 
sunnnon him on the part of the said King, in order to learn 
what lands he wished to possess, which would he granted 
him in the name of His said Britannic Majesty, on his 
becoming his subject. 

[" French Documents," Vol. 3, p. 188.] 


RepoH of Monsieur de Denonville to the 3Iimster. 

Quebec, 10 November, 168(5. 

There is at Pentagdet the Sieur de St. Castin, who is a 
gentlemanly officer in the Carignans. He is very daring 
and enterprising and cherishes the interests of the King, 
having his life all the time at stake from the English with 
the Savages of the country of which he has become the 

They assure me that he has recently come into the inher- 
itance in France of XoOOO a year, that he is a man of 
sound understanding, hating the English who fear him. 

If Monsieur Perrot dislikes him on account of his gov- 
ernment, St. Castin, by the report they have given me of 
him, should be a true man to give chase to the j^irates and 
to encourage the fisheries of Monsieur de Chenvy, I have 
requested him to come to see me in order to become better 
acquainted with him and to engage him to go to France, if 
he should appear to me fit for anything. 

He is quite solicitous of honor, [and] having some prop- 
erty, this will be a great help in sustaining a post like that 
of Port Royal, especially if he is not selfish. 

It is true that he has been addicted in the past to liber- 
tinism ; but they assure me that he has very much reformed 
and has very good sentiments. 

My Lord our Bishop has returned from Acadia where he 
has made his visit to all the dwellings with great fatigue. 
He will send you an account of the great amount of disor- 
der which there is in the forest from the wretched libertines 
who have been for a long time like the Savages, doing 
nothing towards cultivating the land. 

I have written strongly about it to Monsieur Perrot. 
When we shall be at leisure it will be well for Monsieur de 


Champigny and myself to make a tour there. I learn this 
on all sides, both that there is scarcely any left of the Sav- 
ages and that they are for the most part destroyed by exces- 
sive drinking of brandy. 

Monsieur I'Evesque sends three priests there with the 
Sieur Petit whom I understand talks to much advantage. 

They assure me that the English have destroyed all the 
fish upon their coast and that they continue to fish upon 
ours; they will soon drive them away; for they do not 
come ashore like us to work the fish — throwing into the sea 
all the heads and garbage Avhich become putrid and infect 
the bottom. 

What has hindered the progress of the Colony in Acadia 
is the trade in the beaver, which has turned the brains of 
the inhabitants of Acadia as well as others, and which hin- 
ders the success of the permanent fisheries for which there 
ought to be small houses and ordinances in the places where 
the soil is good. 

It is a shame that the people who have dwelt in this 
place for fifty years — father and son — have not received a 
bushel of corn, and have not even gardens. It is a shame 
that I have been upbraided by some people in this country, 
Avhom I have threatened to dispossess if they did not clear 
the ground. 

It is proper that you should know that piracies are daily 
committed in our bay and upon our coasts, which proceed 
from New England alone. 

Monsieur de Champigny will inform you how Dombour, 
a captain of a vessel which has brought him here, has 
given chase to a corsair which had taken a fishing vessel 
from Bayonne, which was released by the firmness of Dom- 
bour who was not in too good condition to give combat. I 
perceive that all our captains are very much disgusted at 
the news which they have had that there was at Boston a 
frigate of 25 guns destined to cruise in the bay and straits 
of the Hudson. Monsieur Perrot writes me thus, and that 
the people of Boston boast strongly. 

[" French Documents," Vol. 3, p. 233 et seq.] 


Siivwiary of a letter from Monsieur Perrot to Colonel 

Port Royal, 29th August, 1C86. 
I complain that people have come to Pentagoet b}' order 


of the Sieur Palmer to confiscate the goods which have 
been discharged from an English vessel. 

Although the pretenses of the said Sieur Dongan are 
that his government has posession of the French coast even 
to the river St. Croix, he does not believe that he desires 
to decide the dispute by violence before ihe decision of 
the Kings of France and England. 

The said Palmer ought not to commit the act which he 
has on the lands of the King, the fort of Pentagoet belong- 
ing to His Majesty by the treaty of Breda. He expects 
justice of Sieur Dongan that he may not be obliged to do 
it himself. [" French Documents," Vol. 3, p. 191.] 


Note hy the J/mtseer— 1686. 

The early part of the last year Monsieur Perrot was 
compelled to borrow money of the Sieur de St. Castin in 
order to buy two ketches, but when they had arrived he 
found none of the inhabitants who would undertake to go 
on board and on that account was obliged to make use of 
English fishermen under the flag of France. The enter- 
prise has not prospered [ on account of ] the knavish talk 
of these fishermen, who steal the greater part of the fish 
which they send to Boston; so that the Sieur Perrot, in 
order not to fail, was compelled to return the two ketches 
to the seller and to relinquish what fish remained. 
[" French Documents," Vol. 3, p. 231.] 


Memorial concerning some wines seized at Pentagoet^ pre- 
sented to the King of England hy the Ministers of France 
about 1687. 

The undersigned Ambassador and Envoy Extraordinary 
of France, Commissaries appointed for the execution of the 
Treaty of neutralit}^ in regard to America, represent to 
your Majesty that the person called Philip Syuret, master 
of a vessel called the Jane, having depai'ted from Malgue 
for New France, entrusted with Merchandise for the account 
of the Messrs. Nelson, Watkins and partners, and having 
delivered them, agreeably to his bill of lading, to the Sieur 
Vincent de Castene, merchant established at Pentagoet, 
situated in the province of Acadia ; the Judge of Pemaquid, 
who is under the authority of your Majesty, caused to 


be fitted out a vessel which he sent to Pentagoet, from 
whence he carried off the said merchandise as being con- 
traband, and pretending that Pentagoet belonged to your 
Majesty, seized the vessel of the said Syuret, and refuses, 
even now, to restore it. But as by the articles X and XI 
of the Treaty of Breda, it is expressly declared that 
Acadia belongs to the King, our master ; and as in execu- 
tion of this Treaty, the late King of England, by his dis- 
patch of the 6-16* of August, 1669, has sent his orders to 
Chevalier Temple, then Governor at Boston, to surrender 
Acadia into the hands of the Chevalier de Grand-Fontaine, 
and especially the forts and dwellings of Pentagoet, which 
are a part of it ; and besides the said Chevalier Temple, 
after the reception of this order, being ill, conferred 
authority upon Captain Richard Walker, by a writing of 
the 7-17 July, 1670, to give back in his absence the 
said jDrovince of Acadia, and especially the forts and dwell- 
ings of Pentagoet, into the hands of the said Chevalier de 
Grand-Fontaine, authorized by the King our master to 
receive it ; besides that the said Captain Walker obliged 
the Chevalier de Grand-Fontaine to give him a writing- 
dated the 5th of August 1670, by which he acknowledges 
that Captain Walker is acquitted of the trust that he had 
received from the Chevalier Thomas Temple, and that he 
has surrendered to him, the Chevalier de Grand-Fontaine, 
the province of Acadia, and especially the forts and habi- 
tations of Pentagoet. 

The said undersigned Ambassador and Envoy have confi- 
dence in the justice of 3'our Majesty, that after having 
taken cognizance of all these things, she will disavow the 
proceeding of the Judge of Pemaquid, will prohibit his 
committing similar infractions of the law in future, and 
will order that all the merchandise of the said Syuret shall 
be restored to him, or the just value thereof, that his vessel 
shall be restored to liim immediately, and that he shall be 
imdemnified for all the expenses that this interruption in 
his commerce has caused him. 


[From " The Memorials of tlie English and French 
Commissaries concerning the Limits of Nova Scotia or Aca- 
dia." pp. 615, 616.] 
•The first mimbor denotes old style, and tlie last new style. 



Letter of the Baron de St. Castin, to Monsieur the Marquis 
of Denonville. 

Pentagoet, 2d July, 1687. 
I make use of the means of these two Savages, whom I 
have charged to make all possible diligence, to inform you 
that two days after having returned from Port Royal, the 
English came with fifty men, to take possession of this 
place, and went everywhere along the coast as far as the 
river St. Groix, which is about 40 leagues from here 
towards the east, where they say their boundary is. They 
have given me to understand that it was adjusted thus 
between the two kingdoms ; as I had no orders from M. 
Perrot, I have told them that I have no answer for them ; 
that I am only a private individual, and an inhabitant only 
of this place. They have forbid me any longer to receive 
the orders of the French, as well as the two inhabitants, 
who are about two leagues from here. They have been in 
all the places where there are Savages, in order to say as 
much to them, and have made them many presents. It is 
necessary that I should acknowledge to you that I have 
been surprised, and that if there had been no ruler in this 
country, I should have tried to prolong this business until 
I had received some orders from you ; but I have been 
very badly received by Monsieur our Governor, who has 
made a slight pretext the past year of opposing the English, 
who came to seize some wine, about a quarter of a league 
from my house ; and I believe, from the disposition I know 
he has, that he would ask nothing better, to make me pass 
wholly for a seditious person, and a man who would 
encroach upon his authority by undertaking something 
without order. If I was not on bad terms with him, from 
a feeling that every upright man ought to have, when he 
is ill-treated by his ruler as I have been, I should have 
informed you of his conduct ; but I prefer to suffer a little 
longer, and that the matter should come to you through 
the letters of M. Petit, priest at Port Royal, who will not 
fail to acquaint you Avith all, without passion, which I 
might not be able to do ; I will only tell you that he has 
detained me from the 21st of April to June 9th, under 
pretense of some weakness that I have for some women ; 
and he has even told me that he had orders from you to 
do it. But that is not what vexes him ; and as I do not 


think there is another man under heaven whom self-inter- 
est would lead to more base actions than to vend, himself, 
in his own house, before strangers, brandy by the pint and 
half-pint, not trusting a single one of his domestics to do 
it for him, I understand well his trouble ; he wishes to be 
the only dealer in Acadia, as please God, he may, for all 
me ; for as long as he shall be in this country, I shall aim 
not to displease him in this respect. He has never been 
willing to give me permission to go to Isle Percee* 
[I'lsle perc^e] because he fears that I will go perhaps even 
to Quebec, — nor will he permit me to send to Boston, after 
some millstones, for a mill, which the commonalty of Port 
Royal has desired me to construct for them, although he ' 
had promised it before the mill was commenced, and now 
it is finished, and the mill-stones are paid for. He has 
changed his mind, and makes no difficulty about sending 
M. Villebon, who only returned from there fifteen days 
ago, and who must go there again towards the first of 
September, to go after a bark that he has had built there. 
If I were not afraid of wearying you, I would inform you 
of many other particulars concerning the affairs of this 
countr}'', which are in a strange disorder, especially at 
Port Ro3"al, where M. Petit certainly suffers much. 

I will close. Monsieur, l>y assuring you that I am, with 
all possible respect, 

Your very liuml:)le and very obedient servant, 


I forgot to tell you that going away from Port Royal, 
M. Perrot drew me one side, and whispered in my ear that 
if the English should come here, I should say nothing, and 
that it was not necessary to say anything. This I imme- 
diately after told to M. Petit, not understanding what it 
meant. I departed from the above place, and two days 
after that I had arrived here the English came, wlio said, 
in presence of the French, who are here, that M. Perrot 
had twice sent M. Viilebon as deputy to the Governor at 
Boston; besides whom there was no one else to whom he 
had communicated anything else in the world. This that 
I say is very true ; not that I am certain of anything ; for 

*Whcro this " Isle Porcci" is, we do not know. Willianison [Flist. of Me., 
Vol. 1. p. iVifi,] nvntions u French settlement by that name, apjiarently 
l)etween Clit'tlahnetoo and St. Joliii. In a sketch ironi the " Noviis Atlas" 
— IGl'J— [in Docnnicntary History ol" Maine. Ix'twccn ]i|). lilt and ol.").] there 
is an island at the nioiiih of the St. .Inhii river, calh-d " l>le lisperee." 


I ouglit not to advance anything that I cannot sustain, 
even to the last word, and which also cannot be con- 
firmed in the course of time. I know too well that this 
matter may go a great way for me to desire to advance 
anything which is not very true. 

[" French Documents," Vol. 3, p. 259, et seq.] 


Lettei' of the Marquis de Denonville to the Minister. 

At Ville Marie, 25th August, 1687. 
^ ***** * 

I receive letters from Acadia which inform me that the 
English are not sparing of making an attempt upon the 
lands of the King upon that coast. I send you the letter 
which the Sieur de St. Castin has written me about it, who 
appears to wish me to understand that M. Perrot is in con- 
cert with the Governor at Boston. If this lasts, my Lord, 
he has no more means of resistance. I would much prefer 
to make war against them than against the Iroquois, and 
if they are taken the Iroquois would be put in order and 
forced to follow our will. ***** 

["French Documents," Vol. 3, p. 266.] 


Summary of a Letter of the Sieur de Badie, Baron de St. 
Castin, to M. de Menneval. 

PENTAGtJET, 15th September, 1687. 

The fort at Pentagciet, Avhere he is, is very advantageous 
for the coast of Acadia. He requires 30 soldiers in order 
to be able to maintain himself there against the continual 
insults of the English, who, up to the present time, have 
all that they could do to gain possession of it, and to con- 
ciliate the savages. He says that for a little assistance 
which is given him he will make a settlement of 400 sav- 
ages, so much the more easily as they are the natural 
enemies of the English, and as they have entire confidence 
in him. 

["French Documents," Vol. 3, p. 266.] 

AjStte-revolutionary period. 271 

Summary of a 3Iemoir upon Acadia hy M. de Menneval. 
Port Royal, 1st December, 1687. 

The Sieur de St. Castin has communicated the intelligence 
to the said Sieur de Menneval that the English have 
enticed the Iroquois upon the coast of Pentagoet in order 
to corrupt the savages called Canibas who are in this 
quarter and by that to cause a kind of indirect war with 
the Colony. 

The lands under the rule of His Majesty upon the 

English side are bounded by the river St. George, which 

is eleven leagues or thereabouts from that of Pentagoet. 

The Sieur de St. Castin is absolute master of the savages, 
the Canibas, and of all their business, being in the forest 
with them since 1665, and having with him two daughters 
of the chief of these savages by whom he Ijas many children. 

This man has promised to quit the life that he has led 
up to the present time, and to proceed to establish himself 
at Port Royal ; but having learned that the Sieur Perrot 
had intention of causing his arrest with the view of seizing 
his trade, he has not come. The Sieur de Menneval is 
ordered by his instruction to declare to the said Sieur de 
St. Castin that His Majesty will pardon him the past, if he 
will conduct himself differently, and make his settlement 

This gentleman who has acquired a great deal would 
contribute to the construction of the fort that the Sieur 
de Menneval ])roposesto make at Pentagoet. It is impor- 
tant, nevertheless, to consider, in regard to this fort, 
whether it would not be more proper to construct it upon 
the river St. George. 

The said Sieur de Menneval has had news that the 
English were coming to Port Royal, to demand payment 
of what is owed to them b}'' the inhabitants, and he asks 
wliat his conduct should be, on this occasion. 

The said inhabitants are reduced to great want, all 
that which they have made up to the present time having 
been sutKicient only to pay what they owed to the said 
English who had sold to them at a very high price all that 
they needed, in order to recover themselves after the 
invasion of the said English. 

['' French Documents," Vol. 3, p. 281 et seq.] 



Instructions fi'om the King to Sieur de Menneval. 


Although what His Majesty has just explained to him of 
his intentions, for finding an outlet for the wood trade that 
has been the sole employment of five or six of the old and 
chief settlements, and to oblige those who are there to 
undertake enterprises for cultivating the soil and for car- 
rying on the fisheries, ought to be applied to the matter of 
the Sieur de St. Castin's doing the principal business upon 
the river Pentagoet, without fixed dwellings, nevertheless 
His Majesty is well pleased with causing him to look to 
that which particularly regards him, viz: that he carry on 
with the savages the trade that he carries on solely with the 
English ; and that, as His Majesty is informed that he has 
derived great advantage from what he has done up to the 
present time, it is necessary that he commence without 
delay a settlement conformed to the intentions of His Maj- 
esty, cultivating the soil, nndertaking the fisheries, and 
causing to pass through French hands the furs which he 
shall trade for with the savages who shall come to traffic 
with him at his house, and he shall know that for conform- 
ing himself to the will of His Majesty and to what one 
ought to expect from a conduct more becoming a Gentle- 
man, he will take notice of it and will give him some tokens 
of his satisfaction. 

[" French Documents," Vol. 3, p. 286.] 

Report of M. de Menneval, Governor of Acadia. 

Port Royal, 10th September, 1688. 

France has formerly had a fort at the river of Pentagoet 
where the Chevalier de Grandfontaine has commanded, and 
from which it is now nearly 20 years [since] the English 
drove him away. The Sieur de St. Castin, who was his 
Lieutenant escaped from their hands and since that time 
has his customary residence there, refusing always to recog- 
nize the English although he has been many times sum- 
moned with threats to do it, preserving thus the possession 
to France. ***** 


The only man who could give any explanation in regard 
to this business is the Sieur de St. Castin. [In regard to 
the limits of the English occupation.] 

Tjt 4(c yp Tjt ^ tP ^ 

I have induced the Sieur de St. Castin to live a more 
regular life. He has quitted his traffic with the English, 
his debauchery with the savages, he is married, and has 
promised me to labor to make a settlement in this country ; 
and to that end he ought to demand a concession from M. 
de Denonville to whom he has gone, by his order, on 
account of the AVar with the Iroquois. He has rendered 
me an account of the affairs of the Savages in his country. 
There are two different races between the river of Pen- 
tagoet and the Kennebec ; the Canibas, in small number, 
are in the region of Pentagoet, and the Abenakis, much 
more numerous, towards Kennebec. They are quite 
devoted to the French and hate the English. But whereas 
nothing is done for them, and as, on the contrary, the Eng- 
lish make them presents and provide them lavishly with 
those things which they need, this will cause in the end 
that they will gain them over and will, in the course of 
time, be benefitted by them against the French. They 
appear quite inclined to prayer and to receive instruction 
in religion ; but some expense is necessary for that. 

I have driven off the English from the traffic that they 
were carrying on there and have sent back three or four 
small vessels, which were carrying goods there. This has 
a little displeased the inhabitants who were obtaining 
relief ; but they will easily be comforted if the company 
continues to carry the same relief to them as it has done 

[" French Documents," Vol. 3, p. .317.] 


Memoir of the Colony at Acadia. 

(Date not given.) 
The parties concerned in the said company, pra}^ very 
humbly for the favor of giving orders to the officers of the 
Admiralty of Rochelle, to cause to be returned to them a 
fly-boat of about twenty-two tons, which the English 
pirates who plundered the colony of Chedabouctou, gave to 
the crew of their ship, that they may return to France. 


The said fly-boat belonging to the Sieur de St. Castin, 
having been taken by the pirates, in returning from 
Quebec, on the way to Port Royal. The said pirates gave 
a long-boat belonging to the said company, to the ship's 
crew of the fly-boat to bring them to Port Royal. Mean- 
while a man named Gitton, of Rochelle, pretending to act 
for the said Sieur de St. Castin, has arrested the said fly- 
boat. It was proved by the jyroees verbal of the trial of 
said crew, that the said long-boat of the company, had been 
given to the ship's crew of the fly -boat; moreover, the 
Sieur de St. Castin had made amends, and that the said 
company suffer a loss of about one hundred and fifty livres, 
by the dej^redations of said pirates, who have carried away 
about sixty of their engaged men. 

[" French Documents," vol. 3, p 325.] 


Letter from the Marquis de DenonviUe to the Minister. 

Quebec, October 30, 1688. 

* * * The first of this month two messen- 
gers from Monsieur Andros, Governor of New England, 
arrived, who were the bearers of letters to me, of which I 
send you a copy, together with my reply. 

It is very much to the purpose. My Lord, that you see 
them, for by them, you perceive that the spirit and the 
sentiments of Dongan, have passed into the heart of 
Monsieur Andros, who may have less passion and be less 
moved, but who will be at least opposed to us as much and 
may be more dangerous, with his flexibility and mildness, 
than the other with his passion and violence. 

What he has caused to be done at Pentagoet, pillaging 
the house of St. Castin, because he was not willing to 
acknowledge that he was a dependent of his ; what he has 
just done to the Iroquois, pretending that they are under 
his government; the hinderances in the way of coming to 
find me, [all these things] are proofs that neither he nor 
the other English Governors, any more than all the people, 
will ever forbear from doing to this colony, whatever evil 
they can do. " 

There is certainly room for believing that the inhabi- 
tants of Boston, have a great part in the pillage, which has 


been done in Campseanx, and at Chedabouctou, whatever 
disavowal of it the Governor and the inhabitants may 

[" French Documents," vol. 3, p. 335.] 


Remai'hs concerning Acadia^ hy Monsieur Pasquine. 

Versailles, December 14, 1688. 

If, my Lord, you are willing to give some time after 
my return from Acadia, in addition to that which I have 
employed, without cessation and without intermission, in 
order to have the honor of sending to you the map, plans 
and estimates which concern this colony, before my de- 
parture for Cayenne, I will use it, to give a full account 
of the observations which I have made there, not only of 
the boundaries, but also of that which concerns the firm 
establishment of that new colony ; and I hope to have the 
honor of an audience about certain things, which I cannot 
now write. But for the present, I will take the liberty of 
representing the importance pf preventing the peace of the 
Iroquois with our Kennebec savages, which is only being 
brought about by the solicitation of the English. Last 
spring the Iroquois sent a Commission to the Kennebecs 
of the Hamourahiganiaques, allies and friends of the 
Kennebecs, accompanied by some Sonconaquin people, 
savages, from New York. They took for a present a neck- 
lace of porcelain, and from the doubt they had of not 
being favoral)ly heard, these deputies did not go as far as 
PentagiJet. They descended to the river Amirganganeque 
— 6 or 7 leagues further west than that of Kennebec. 

A short time after, those near the river Amirganganec[ue 
wished to carr}^ this present to the eastern coast, namely, 
towards St. George and Pentagoet. But the chiefs of the 
Kennebecs disapproving strongly the advances they had 
made, [and] not approving what they had done, caused 
them to be told that they were not willing. Among 
others, the Sagamore Madockawando, their General in 
war, who accompanied me, appeared very unAvilling. He 
is a good Frenchman, — a brave, upriglit man, and of acute 
and sul)tle understanding, whom Monsieur Andros, Gover- 
nor-general of New England, treats with great caution, 
searching for him when they went to Pentagoet, to pillage 


the abode of the Sieiir cle St. Castin, and takes the trouble 
himself of going to see him, carrying him a present, as he 
says, of 

14 blue blankets, 
12 shirts, 
8 rolls [of cloth,] 

2 barrels of wine — which he received 
— although he does not esteem or love him, the Kennebecs 
being naturally the sworn enemies of the English. 

The Iroquois will come in September, to conclude this 
peace ; it is very important for the quiet of our settlement 
in Canada, but still more particularly for that of Acadia, 
that this peace should not be made, or should be broken, 
if it should be made — this is not difficult to manage. 

My time being exceedingly limited, I will have the 
honor to tell my lord in a few words, and in general, that 
the principal establishment upon the coast of Acadia should 
not be made at Port Royal, [it being] too much out of the 
way, and of too difficult access, on account of the variable- 
ness of the winds which it is necessary to have to get 
there, and [it being] out of the way of all commerce. 
The finest and best place on the coast is the Port Rasoir. 

Upon my return from Cayenne, if my lord directs me, I 
will present to him an account of everything concerning 
this colony, and with so much the more ease as I hope he 
will do me the kindness to give me a private room in the 
building which he will pass over to me in Cayenne, where 
I shall be able to work. 

[" French Documents."] 


Census of Pentagoet — 1689. 
Priest, 1. 
Married Men, 1. 
Boys under 15 years of age, 1. 
Married Women, 1. 
['' French Documents," Vol. 3, p. 379.] 


Report of 31. de Monseignat to the Minister. 

Quebec, lOth Septem1)er, 1691. 
My Lord. * * * * * 

M. le Comte has recentl}" received some letters from the 


Sieiir de St. Castin. He dispatches a canoe to him in order 
to send him two letters that the Governor at Boston, and 
the Sieur de Nelson had written him. They were quite 
sincere and aimed to engage him to return the prisoners 
which were in the hands of the Abenakis and other Sav- 
ages. They would make him remember the obligations 
that their colony had for some time been under to him and 
they implored him to continue the same good will in spite 
of the inevitable war in which the French and English 
would engage. He answered them somewhat in the same 
style, and that if they wished to recover theirs [i. e. the 
prisoners of the Abenakis,] it would in the first place be 
necessary that they should surrender the Chevalier d'Eau 
who, against the law of nations, being sent by him, had 
been taken by the Iroquois, those who had accompanied 
him burned, and was still retained at Manath ; that it was 
no more according to law to break the terras of surrender 
agreed upon [with] the Sieur de Menneval, Governor of 
Port Royal, and his garrison, who were still for the most 
part prisoners ; that when they had given satisfaction 
for these infractions of the laws of honorable warfare, they 
would think of a general exchange of the prisoners, who 
might be in the hands of each nation or of the Savage 

For news, the Sieur de St. Castin tells him that New 
England was in an extremely low condition ; that they 
had lost many islands ; that there was a great disunion 
at Manath between the English and Dutch, since the 
death of their Governor, and that they were having a 
kind of civil war ; that all these conferences in regard to 
an exchange of prisoners was only to induce our savages 
to peace, and that he would oppose it with all his strength. 

[''French Documents," Vol. 4, page 113, et scq.] 


Summary of a mevioir upon the affairs of Canada, Acadia, 
and Neivfoundla7id. 

Paris, 17th February, 1692. 
From the war with the Iroquois, Flemish and Bostonians, 
Phipps has gone to seek assistance in old England. There 


is some news from the Sieiir cle St. Castin about the French 
soldiers who are in prison at Boston. The Abenakis 
struck several blows last Autvimn. [" French Documents," 
Vol. 4, p. 130.] 


3Iemoir upon the Abduction of the Sieur de St. Castin — ' 

The men called James Peter Pan and St. Aubin, inhabi- 
tants of the Country of Acadia, having been forcibly 
earried off by the English, with their families, and carried 
to Boston, the Governor of New England selected them, 
with two French deserters from the army, to go to carry 
off by force the Sieur de St. Castin, detaining their wives 
and children. 

These two inhabitants have disclosed the purpose for 
which they were sent and have given up the two deserters. 
Upon this condition of things the Sieur de Villebon, com- 
manding at Acadia, and the Sieurs Desgoutins and Bonna- 
venture, thought it necessary on account of this service to 
give 554 livres to these two inhabitants, destitute of every- 
thing, and to give them the means of recovering their wives 
and children from the hands of the English, in con- 
sideration of their fidelity. 

[" French Documents," Vol. 4, p. 168.] 


Report of M. de Champigny. 

Quebec, November 4, 1693. 
* * * * * * 

* * This intelligence confirming that which 
had come through the French, who had attempted the ab- 
duction or the murder of the Sieur St. Castin, at Aca- 
dia, obliged Messrs. de Frontenac, and de Champigny, to 
hasten the fortifications of Quebec, and of Montreal, in 
order not to be surprised, and to warn the savages of Aca- 
dia to hold themselves in readiness to come to the relief of 
Quebec — upon the first news they should have of the de- 
parture of the fleet. * * * * 
[" French Documents," Vol. 4, p. 245.] 



Accou7it of ivhat has transpired in Canada — 1696. 


There was a project for making an exchange of prisoners, 
of which the Sieur de St. Castin would take the sole charge 
in the name of Monsieur, the Count Frontenac. Tliey 
could not choose a more zealous agent, or a more intelli- 
gent one. 

[" French Documents," Vol. 4, p. 409.] 


Synopsis of a letter from 31. de Villebon^ to the 3Iinister. 

He informs us hj his letter of the fourth of Octoljer, 
1698, that tlie English having, during the early part of that 
same year, carried on the traffic in all the French abodes, 
they had taken the beaver at from 3. to 3.10 livres per 
pound — English weight — that is to say, fourteen ounces 
to the pound, which had compelled him, in order not to 
offend the inhabitants, to pay them fifty-five sous per 
pound, for winter beaver. 

That the English will always run the risk of making 
trade and commerce in Acadia, and especially at Pentagoet, 
where the French who are there make a rendezvous ; the 
man named Caldin [or Alden ?]* having been at Pentagoet 
about the I'Sth of August last, where he had traded much 
in furs, and had given goods to a son-in-law of the Sieur 
de St. Castin, and to three Frenchmen who were at 

In order to destroy this traffic, M. de Villebon proposes 
to compel them to establish themselves at Pessemoncadi, 
where the land and the fishing is good, and where the 
English will not trust the Savages. 

That he has implored M. de Chambault, missionary 
priest at Pentagoet, to drive off the English from the 
neighborhood of Pentagoet, when they shall come there, 
but that he believes he has followed his own self-interest, 
and that it has just been told him that he will die, unless 
he shall l)e able to assure it. 

That John Mathew said Le Page, being at Boston Avhen 

peace was announced last winter, had joined witli an 

*It is difficult to tell from the manuscript whetlier the word is Caldin or 


Englishman, in order to carry on trade in Acadia, where 
they arrived at Port Royal without letting him know. 
The Sieur le Borgne and the Sieur de Pleine, his brother- 
in-law had begun to assume the powers of Lord and of 
Governor, having made the master of the English vessel 
pay 50 livres for permission to sell and to land his goods ; 
this they have continued to do to two others who have 
come here. That the Sieur John Mathew being joined 
with Joseph Guyon, they have left with the English, to 
go to Pessemoncadi, where they have traded with the 
Savages along the coast, as far as Majaja. 

That they have given the Savages English brandy, 
which has caused a terrible riot. 

That having written to Sieur de Thury to engage the 
Savages to make a party early against the English, Ville- 
bon having no news of peace, he has sent his letter to him 
by a Savage, who, having been met by Matthew and 
Guyon, they took the letter from him, and showing the 
seal to the Savages, persuaded them that the English were 
trading by his order. 

He complains that the priests continue their trade, and 
that the one at Pentagoet had done so more openly than 
those who had preceded him. 

That for the settlement they desired to make upon the 
eastern coast, it is necessary to fortify Pentagoet as an im- 
portant post, and if they made two forts upon this coast, 
it was important that one should be at Pentagoet. 

That the English in Boston very much desired to have 
the coal trade, and that they had written to him urgently, 
but that this will go for little, because Boston would con- 
sume no more of it than four vessels would carry, with 
what vessels from England bring them as ballast. 

[" French Documents," Vol. 4, p. 563.] 


Synopsis of a letter from 31. de Bonnaventure to the Minis- 
(His vessel, I'Envieux, arrived at Rochelle, October 9th, 


He said that the inhabitants of Pentagoet did not wish 

to deliver their furs, on account of the facility they had 

for trading with the English, as they have since done, there 


having arrived there a vessel which neither the Sieur de 
St. Castin, nor the inhabitants have been willing to con- 
duct to the river St. George, nor to show them the fine for- 
ests, saying that they did not know them, noteven in Pen- 
tagoet, where there are some very fine oak groves, looking 
upon themselves as the proprietors of Pentagoet, trading 
only, and not cultivating a single garden. 

That an English ketch had been with the man called 
Petit, to Mouscoudabouct, to take there an Englishman 
who belonged there ; the savages having told him that the 
English had traded at the Cape St. Zambre. 

[" French Documents," Vol. 4, p. 565.] 


Summary of a letter of the Sieur de Villieu., to the Minister. 

20th October, 1700. 

He has sent to the Governor of New England, to in- 
quire after the new converted French, who had fled from 
Chibouctou, where they had been settled by the company 
of the Pesche Sedentaire, [permanent fisheries] and who 
had taken away the goods of this Company. 

Monsieur the Count Bellamont, happening to be away 
upon the arrival of his messenger, the Governor at Boston, 
had said to him for his complete answer, that he ought to 
know that thieves would find protection in a foreign king- 

He has permitted one called Basset, a Frenchman, mar- 
ried at Boston, to go there in search of his wife, in accord- 
ance with the instruction that His Majesty has given him. 
He has charged him to inform the people of that place who 
are the fishermen of Molue, [near by] the coast of Acadia, 
that His Majesty is willing to permit it to them if they take 
a passport of the Governor of Acadia, viseccl by the Sieur 
de Goutins, secretary of the King, on the payment of a 
certain fee, in j^roportion to the size of the vessels, upon 
condition of receiving some French upon their ship, — but 
he doubts whether they will accept this last condition, and 
he believes that it will be more suitable to take, in the 
beginning, some English seamen upon the French vessels, 


in order to render our people capable of carrying on this 

He complains of the trade that the Sieur de St. Castin, 
a gentleman settled at Pentagoet, which is the land near- 
est to the Enghsh, has had with the English from Boston, 
and the small hamlets upon the coast, to whom he had car- 
ried furs, and had carried back in payment English goods, 
which hindered the sale of the French. The said Sieur de 
St. Castin, and the Missionary at Pentagoet, have absolute 
control over the savages of this country, who have refused 
this year the presents of His Majesty, that the late Sieur de 
Villebon had charged him to carry to them, not having 
found them sufficiently great. 

The said Sieur de Villebon had charged him to draw a 
map of the river St, George, before going to Pentagoet. 
He has drawn it as accurately as he could, and has sent a 
copy. He besought him to concede to him the ofiice of the 
said Sieur de Villebon. He represents that he serves His 
Majesty since 1674, and that he has served in Flanders, in 
Germany, and in Catalonia, and that having been taken by 
the English, during the last war, he had acquired much 
familiarity with them. 

Note hy the Minister, 

The missionary of Pentagoet has written that it is not 
out of contempt that the savages have refused the presents, 
but it was because the said Sieur de Villieu, wished at the 
same time to sell them brandy, which they did not wish 
to purchase, foreseeing the excess into which they fall when 
they are intoxicated. 

During the war, the King relied upon the annual sum of 
four thousand livres, to be spent in purchasing ammuni- 
tion — reduced after the peace to four hundred and fifty 
livres, to make presents to the chiefs alone. 

If the war was renewed it would be necessary to sustain 
this colony against the English — upon whom they have 
waged a sanguinary war, which has obliged them to be con- 
tinually upon the defensive. 

(Written to St. Castin.) 

[" French Documents," Vol. 5, p. 23.] 



Ahridyment of a Letter of Monsieur cle Bro^dllau to the 

Poet Royal, 30 October, 1701. 

Having arrived at Port Royal he caused the inhabitants 
to assemble in order to propose to them that they should 
make efforts to protect themselves from the insults of the 
English. He found them at first opposed to this opinion — 
believing that it was a bondage which he wished to impose 
upon them, having told him very freely that they would 
not assist if it were for an alliance — saying arrogantly that 
they would prefer being with the English ; but he found 
means of bringing them back, and as soon as they con- 
sented to what he desired, he went, without waste of time, 
to the river St. John, the fort of which appeared very 
odious to him ; and with the aid of the equipage of the 
fleet of the Gironde, which Sieur de Maurville gave him 
he razed the fortifications to the dust. He put on board 
this fleet all that could serve for the construction of a new 
fort at Port Royal, where he carried it all. 

All the Religious Superiors who are missionaries to 
Acadia obtained a salary which the King gives them, so 
that these poor missionaries finding themselves without it, 
they were not obliged to abandon them. He begs that he 
may order those things which Sieur Monte delivered to 
them, to be sent to them by the King's vessels. 

The missionary of the Malassites prays them to make 
it convenient for him to make his abode at Passamaquoddy, 
which is much more accessible to Port Royal than the 
place where he actually resides. This missionary hopes to 
persuade these savages to cultivate the soil at this place, 
and to devote themselves to fishing, whereby they would 
be less miserable. 

The Sieur Gaulin, who has charge of the mission of 
Pentagoet, appears very pious, and strongly desirous of 
keeping the savages in the interests of France. The Sieur 
Quay, late missionary at Pentagflet, returned to Rochefort, 
pursuant to the orders wliich he had received. He appears 
to be a good priest, and an ujiriglit man. 

It is certain that Father Bigot, who has charge of the 


mission at Kennebec, has not the same opinions, not hav- 
ing forbidden the savages to converse with the English, 
who have gone so far as to receive presents and promises 
of making peace with them, which would have been done, 
but that the English had wished to exact from them 
that they should have no more communication with the 
French, which had prevented the savages from deciding ; 
but no one knows whether they had done it since. 

The Sieur de St. Castin, whom they accuse of carrying on 
trade with the English, returns to France, to render an 
account of his conduct. It is certain that he has kept in 
the interests of France the savages of the frontier where 
he dwells ; and as these savages have confidence in him, 
he is very capable of keeping them there. The Sieur de St. 
Castin would request a grant upon the river de la Point 
au Hestre ; he believes that it is proper to concede it to 
him, having a design to establish a fishery in Molue, and 
to remove the savages there. 

It appears to him of consequence to continue to give 
presents to the savages of the frontier, to hinder them 
from taking vengeance upon the party of English who 
have established within their reach store-houses, where 
they would be able to carry the goods that were necessary 
to them, and this expense is afterwards levelled upon all 
the English colony. 

He has not believed it necessary, this year to make any 
attempt upon the English, who have made a fishery upon 
the coast of Acadia, not being in a condition to sustain 
what ought to be done, but as it appears to him that the 
English would not abstain from this fishery, according to 
the answer which the delegate from Boston had made to a 
letter which he had written to my Lord Bellamont, he is 
disposed to take some of their boats next summer. 

The officer, whom he had dispatched to Boston to carry 
this letter, told him that they had made new fortifications 
at the entrance of that Port, that he saw there three ves- 
sels of war, and that he believed from the report that they 
expected two others, with the Governor-General for New 
England, and for New York. 

Monsieur I'Evesque says the Jesuits have left. 

[''French Documents," Voh 5, p. 103, et seq.] 



Substance of a letter from the Sieur de St. Castin. 

La Rochelle, 21 November, 1701. 

He has gone to France, to justify his conduct as regards 
the complaints that have been made that he traded with 
the English. 

He grants that residing upon the frontier of the colony, 
where no Frenchman has carried thus far any goods, and 
not having been permitted to buy at Quebec or in New- 
foundland, he has been obliged to take them from the 
English for his most urgent wants, and that he has no 
other traffic with them than this. 

["French Documents," Vol. 5, p. 109.] 


Memoranda of things necessary to have at PescadouS^for the 
month of October — by the Sieur de St. Castin. 

[Not dated.] 
6,000 lbs. of powder. 
8,000 musket-balls. 
80,000 selected gunflints. 
8,000 firewads (firebours.) 
1,000 aleves a point carree. 
1,000 clasp-knives. 

1,000 " aulues melis" for sails, tents, and sacks. 
1,000 axes. 

30 lbs. of thread. 
15 " " measured thread. 
10 lines. 
125 barrels of bacon of 200 Iba. 
5,000 "quentos" of sea-biscuit. 
4,000 lbs. of lead, for fowlers. 
1,000 lbs. of Brazillian tobacco. 
3,000 "quentos" of meal. 
700 bushels of peas. 
10 barrels of brandy. 
100 bushels of salt. 
["French Documents," Vol. 5, p. 147.] 



Substance of a Letter from 31. de Suhercase. 

Port Royal, October 25, 1706. 


It is very important always to have a man of character 
amongst the savages, to watch over their conduct in order 
to give him information of it. The son of the Sieur de St. 
Castin, is very suitable for that, because his mother is of 
their nation, and besides he is a very Avise and very capa- 
ble young gentleman. He proposes to grant him a com- 
mission of Second Lieutenant, in tlie Navy, with the salary, 
and he is certain that no one in the colony will better earn 
his money than he. * * * * 

["French Documents," Vol. 5, p. 307.] 

Summary of a Letter frorn 3L de Suhercase to the Minister. 

At Port Royal, in Acadia, July 26, 1707. 


The Sieur de St. Castin when he had put [himself, or 
some one] at the head of the inhabitants there had per- 
fectly well performed his duty. 

'Jhe savage Canibas, and those of Pentagoet, tired of 
waiting for the assistance of the French, from Acadia, have 
takev the road to New York, where they liave made a 
treaty. This has sent them back with the Ii'oquois, so that 
it is to be feared that it engages them all to wage war 
against the French. He sees no other way of warding off 
this blow, than to furnish these first savages with goods, 
at the same rate, almost, at which the English give them 
to them, and he designs to cari-y to Pentagoet, and to Ken- 
nebec, some provisions and 4 or 500 of goods, in order to 
give them to them at a fixed price. 

["French Documents," Vol. 5, p. 343.] 


Transcript from the Register of the Parish of St. Jean Baip- 

tiste, at Port Royal. 

"31, Oct. 1707. Ganlin, Missionary priest of the Sem- 
inary of (Quebec, being at Port Royal, married Anselm de 


St. Castin, baron de St. Castin, son of Sieur Jean Vincent, 
baron de St. Castin, and of Dame Matliilde, of the parish 
of the ' Sainte famille,' at Pentagoet, and damoiselle Char- 
lotte TAmours, daughter of St. Louis d' Amours, ensign of 
a company at Port Royal, etc. 

" 4, Dec. 1707. Married le Sieur Alexander le Borgne, 
de Belleisle, (etc.) to the damoiselle Anastasie de St. Cas- 
tin, fille du Sieur Vincent, ecuyer, baron de St. Castin et 
de dame Mathilde. 

"4, Dec. 1707. Philip de Ponbomcou is married to 
Therese de St. Castin, daughter of the Baron and of Dame 
Marie Pidianiskge." 

[From "Centennial Celebration at Bangor" p. 24, Note.] 


Letter of L'Aiiverjat to Father de La Chasse. 

Panouamske*, July 8, 1728. 
Very dear Brother : 

The insolence of the Messrs. de St. Castin has come 
to be so excessive that they no longer set bounds to it, in 
their conduct to me, or before God. 

The elder, who does not care to marry, and not satisfied 
with spreading corruption through the whole village, in 
addition to that, now makes a business of selling brandy, 
openly, in company with his nephew, the son of Monsieur 
de Belle Isle. They have been the means of one man 
being drowned, alread}^, on account of it, and are like to be 
the destruction of many others. The younger of the Messrs. 
de St. Castin never comes into the village, Avithout getting 
drunk in public, and putting the whole village in an up- 

Both of them, j)rompted by the supplies they receive, 
pretend to be on my side, and in the interests of the King ; 
but behind my back, they do not cease to work against 
me, and to oppose every enterprise I undertake in the 
service of God and the King. 

Excessively puffed up with the commission and with 
the salary they have obtained from the King, through M. 
de Vaudreuil, the earth is not good enough for them to 
stand upon. They believe that they have a right, through 
this commission, to rule, absolutely, and to seize and dis- 

•Supposed to b« UiUtgwn. 


pose of everything at their will ; and if any one thinks of 
opposing them, they threaten him with nothing less than 
death or massacre. 

They are going to Canada ; and they will not fail to 
boast of their services, and to seem very much attached to 
the interests of the colon3^ But here is what I believe 
before God. 

That, before the savages had begun the war against the 
English, they did ever3^thing in the world they could, to 
prevent their undertaking it — and this in spite of all the 
exhortations I made to the savages, on the part of M. de 
Vaudreuil, and notwithstanding all that M. de Vaudreuil 
himself had said to them. 

That, after I had, in spite of them, engaged the savages 
to determine upon a war against the English, they broke 
up the first expedition I had formed, and prevented it 
from starting. 

That, after I had organized another war-party, and had 
sent it off, they stopped it on the way, and would have 
absolutely prevented the war from breaking out, if I had 
not gone down to the sea-shore and persuaded my people 
to proceed with it. 

That, not having been able to prevent the attacks upon 
the English, they pretended to be neutral (except that 
they made money out of the booty taken from the English, 
and that for two whole years) on the pretext that they 
were Frenchmen and not natives. 

That, when they could no longer abstain from deciding 
for one side or the other — M. de Vaudreuil having given 
them to understand, particularly, that their qualities as 
Frenchmen did not take from them their rights and, con- 
sequently, their duties, as savages — the younger, actually 
and in earnest, did go on an expedition, and signalized 
himself; but the elder contented himself with showing 
himself once only, and, although he received a hundred 
affronts from the English, by whom he was taken twice, 
by treachery, and robbed, yet far from dreaming of taking 
revenge on them, he has sought their protection and 
asked favors of them. 

That, towards the end of the war, when I went to Canada, 
by your orders — the English having sent a hostage here, 
during my absence, to propose peace — the Messrs. de St. 
Castin were the first to suggest that a favorable answer 
should be made to the English, and disbanded an expedi- 


tion that had just set out, by my orders, to make reprisals 
on the English, wlio had treacherously sent an expedition 
against us, the previous winter, while at another point 
they assured us against peace.* 

That, since that time, these same gentlemen have not 
ceased to urge the savages to make peace with the English, 
and to accept their propositions, without caring what the 
French miglit think about it. 

All this I am yjositively certain about, and am ready to 
make oath to, and this, added to all the other irregrdarities 
that these gentleineii are guilty of, such as selling at false 
weight and at false measure, cheating people so out of 
one-quarter to one-third of all they buy, is sufficient reason 
that their pay should be stopped, and that Avhatthey have 
not drawn of their salary should be confiscated. [ From 
Historical Magazine, Vol. 2d, 3d Ser. No. 3, p. 126 et seq.] 
*Mr. Prentiss thinks this to have been the Heath Expedition. 




Calefs Journal of the Siege* 

The Siege of Penobscot by the Rebels ; 
containing a 
Journal of the proceedings of his Majesty's Forces de- 
tached from the 74th and 82d Regiments, consisting of 
about 700 Rank and File, under the Command of Brigadier- 
General Francis McLean, 

and of 
Three of his Majesty's Sloops of War, of 16 guns each, 
under the Command of Captain Henry Mowatt, Senior 

Avhen besieged by 
Three Thousand Three hundred (Rebel) Land Forces, 
under the Command of Brigadier General Solomon Lovell, 

Seventeen Rebel Ships and Vessels of War under the Com- 
mand of G. Saltonstall, Commodore. 

To which is annexed 
A Proclamation issued June 15, 1779, by General McLean 
and Captain Barclay, to the Inhabitants ; 

Brigadier General Lovell's Proclamation to the Inhabit- 
ants ; and his Letter to Commodore Saltonstall found on 
board the Rebel Ship Hunter ; 

Together with 
the Names, Force, and Commanders of the Rebel Ships 
destroyed in Penobscot Bay and River, August 14 and 
15th, 1779, 

A Chart of the Peninsula of Majabigwaduce, and of Penob- 
scot River, 

*From a volume belonging to Harvard College Library. The spelling and 
puuctuatlou are the iuiue a» iu the original «ditiua. 


well bastion of which was not yet begun, nor the seamen's* 
quite finished ; but, on the appearance of the Enemy, the 
works were put in a more defensible state : some cannon 
were mounted, and the little army was in garrison early 
the next morning. Guard-boats, during the night, watched 
the motions of the Enemy, who were discovered to have 
come to an anchor about three or four leagues off, in the 
narrows of Penobscot. 

July 25. At 10 A. M., a brig appeared at some distance 
from the harbour's mouth, and after reconnoitring the situ- 
ation of the men of war, stood back into the fleet. At 
noon, the Enemy's fleet, consisting of thirty-seven sail of 
ships, brigs, and transports, arrived in the bay of the 
harbour. The transports proceeded about half a mile up 
Penobscot river and came to anchor, while the armed ships 
and brigs, stood off and on, and a boat from each ship 
repaired on board their flag-ship, which had thrown out a 
signal for that purpose. At 3 p. m., nine ships, forming 
into three divisions, stood towards the King's ships, and, as 
they advanced in the line, hove to and engaged. A very 
brisk cannonade continued four glasses, when the Enemy 
bore up, and came to an anchor in the bay without. The 
Kiug's ships suffered only in their rigging. The fire of the 
Enemy was random and irregular; and their manoeuvres, as 
to backing and filling, bespoke confusion, particularly in the 
first division, which scarcely got from the line of fire when 
the second began to engage. The second and third 
divisions appeared to have but one object in view, that of 
cutting the springs of the men of war, to swing them from 
the bearings of their broadsides, and thereby to afford an 
entrance into the harbour. During the cannonade with 
the shipping, the Enemy made an attempt to land their 
troops on Bagwaduce, but were repulsed with some loss. 
On the retreat of the Enemy's troops and ships, the garri- 
son manned their works, and gave three cheers to the men 
of war, which were returned ; and soon after, the general 
and field oflicers went down to the beach, and also gave 
three cheers, which were returned from the ships. Guard- 
boats, and ship's companies, during the night, lay at their 

July 2(). At 10 A. M., the Enemy's ships got under 

*So culled from bciug the work of the Seamen only, 



weigh, and, forming their divisions as yesterday, stood in 
and engaged the King's ships four glasses and a half. 
The damages sustained this day, also, were cliiefly in the 
rigging at the extreme ends of the ships ; and the fire of the 
Enemy appears again to be directed to the moorings ; 
which attempt not pioving successful, they bore up and 
anchored without. The Enemy again attempted to land 
their troops, but were driven back with some little loss. 
At 6 P. M., the Enemy having stationed two brigs of four- 
teen guns and one sloop of twelve, on the east side of 
Nautilus island, landed 200 men and dislodging a party of 
twenty marines, took possession of four 4-pounders (two 
not mounted,) and a small quantity of ammunition. At 9 
p. M., it being found that the Enemy were very busy at 
work, and that they had landed some heavy artillery, Avhich 
they were getting up to the heights of the island, and 
against which the men of war could not act in their present 
station, it was judged expedient to move them further up 
the river. This was accordingly done, and the line formed 
as before; the transports moved up at the s.ime time, and 
anchored with the men of war. Guard-boats, and the 
ship's companies, as usual, lying at their quarters. 

July 27. Pretty quiet all this day. A few shots from 
some ships of the Enemy were aimed at the small battery 
on Majabigwaduce point; which were returned with a 
degree of success, one ship having been driven from her 
station. Observed the Enemy very busy in erecting their 
battery on Nautilus Island. The garrison being much in 
want of cannon, some guns from the transports, and from 
the off-side of the men of war, were landed, and, being 
dragged by the seamen up to the fort, were disposed of for 
its use. At 3 P. M., a boat, passing from the Enemy's ships 
to Nautilus island, was sunk by a random shot from the 
fort. At 11 P. M., tlie guard boats from the King's ships 
fell in and exchanged a few shot with the Enemy's. 

Jidy 28. At 3 A. M,, under cover of their ship's fire, 
the Enemy made good their landing on Majabigwaduce, 
and, from their great superioiity of numbers, obliged the 
King's troops to retreat to the garrison. The Enemy's 
right pressed hard, and in force, upon the left of the King's 
troops, and attempted to cut oft" a party of men at the 
small battery; but the judgement and experience of a 
brave officer (Lieut. Caffrae, of the 82d,) counteracted 
their designs ; and a retreat was effected with all the order 


and regularity necessary on such occasions. An attempt 
was made to demolish the guns; but the Enemy pushed 
their force to this ground so rapidly as not to suffer it. 
The position of this battery afforded their ships a nearer 
station, on which they immediately seized. At t) A. M., the 
Enemy opened their battery of 18 and 12-pounders from 
Nautilus island, and kept up the whole day a brisk and 
well-directed fire against the men of war. The King's 
ships cannonaded the battery for two glasses, and killed 
some men at it ; but their light metal ( 6-pounders) was 
found to be of little service, in comparison to the damage 
they sustained from such heavy metal brought against them. 
At 10 A. M., the Warren^ of 32 guns, the Commodore's ship, 
which as yet had not been in action, got under weigh, and, 
with three more ships, showed an appearance of entering 
the harbour, but hauled by the wind at a long shot distance. 
A brisk fire was kept up for half an hour, when the Enemy 
bore up, and came to anchor again without. The Warren 
suffered consideral^ly ; her mainmast shot thi-ough in two 
places, the gammoning of her bowsprit cut to i)ieces, and 
her fore-stay shot away. Their confusion appeared to be 
great, and very nearly occasioned her getting on shore ; so 
that they were obliged to let go an anchor, and drop into 
the inlet between Majabigwaduce head and the point, 
where the ship lay this and the next day, repairing her 
damages. Tlie battery on the island still keeping up a 
heavy fire, and the ships' crews being exposed without the 
least benefit to the service, Captain Mowat thought proper 
to move further up the harbour, which was done in the 
night, and the line formed again ; he being firmly resolved 
to dispute the harbour to the last extremity, as on that 
entirely depended the safety of the garrison, whose com- 
munication with the men of war was of the utmost impor- 
tance. The dispositions on shore and on the water co-oper- 
ating, and perfectly supporting each other, foiled the Enemy 
in their purposes ; their troops were yet confined to a spot 
they could not move from ; and, while the harbour was 
secure, their intention of making approaches, and invest- 
ing the fort on all sides, could by no means be put in exe- 
cution. The present station of the men of war being 
such as rendered it impossible for the Enemy's ships to 
act but at particular periods, the marines [whose service, 
in their particular line of duty, was not immediately re- 
quii'cd ou board] were ordered on shore to ^unison duty, 


holding themselves in re.^diness to embark at a moment's 
notice, which with ease they coukl have effected in ten or 
fifteen minutes. Guard-boats as usual during the night. 

July 29. At 6 A. m., the Enemy's ships weighed, and, 
altering their positions, came to an anchor again. The 
state of the fortress requiring more cannon, some remain- 
ing off-side guns were landed from the men of war, and 
dragged by the seamen up to the fortress, for its use and 
that of the batteries ; and though the task, to be performed 
up a steep hill, over rocks and innumerable stumps of 
fallen trees, was laborious, yet their cheerfulness and zeal 
for the service, surmounted every difficulty. P. M. — The 
Enemy opened their batteries on the heights of Majabig- 
waduce, and kept up a warm and incessant fire against the 
fortress. The commanding ground of the Enemy's works, 
and the short distance from the fortress, gave them some 
advantages with their grape, as well as round shot, which 
considerably damaged the store-house in the garrison. 

Six pieces of cannon at the half-moon battery, near 
Bank's house, and which belonged to the fortress, being 
now found necessary for its particular defence, were moved 
up to it, and replaced with some ship's guns, under the di- 
rection of the guimer of the Albany, with a l)arty of sea- 
men. Captain Mowat having obtained intelligence, that 
the Enemy, in despair of reducing the King's ships by means 
of their own, or of getting possession of the harbour, had 
come to the resolution of joining their whole force in 
troops, marines, and seamen, to storm the fortress the next 
morning at daybreak, he judged it expedient to reinforce 
the garrison Avith Avhat seamen could be conveniently 
spared ; and, for this purpose, at the close of the evening, 
140 men, under the command of Lieut. Brooke, were sent 
into garrison : part of these were immediately detached to 
reinforce the troops on the outline piquets, others manned 
the facing of their own bastion, while the remainder were 
busily employed in raising cavaliers in the fort. In all 
these operations, a brotherly affection appeared to unite 
the forces, both by sea and land, and to direct their views 
all to one point, much to their credit, and to the honour 
and benefit of the service. During the night the Enemy 
threw a number of shells into the fortress. At 10 P. M., a 
few shot between the Enemy's guard-boats and those from 
the King's sliips. 

July '60. The Enemy's ships preserve their disposition 


of yesterday. A brisk cannonade the whole day, between 
the fortress and the Enemy's batteries on the height; and a 
number of shells thrown on both sides. The store-houses 
being apprehended to be in danger, some seamen were 
ordei'ed to move the provisions out of the fortress into the 
ditch in its rear ; as likewise a quantity at another store- 
house. Guard-boats as usual. 

July 31. At 2 A. M., the seamen and marines of the 
Enemy's fleet, landed to the westward of the half-moon 
battery, and, under cover of the night, attacked the piquet, 
and by heavy [)latoon firing, ol>liged them to retreat ; but 
an alert reinforcement of fifty men who, were detached 
from the garrison, under the command of Lieut. Graham of 
the 82d regiment, to the support of the piquet, drove the 
Enemy back with some loss — in killed, wounded and 
taken, amounting in the Avhole, according to the best in- 
formation, to about 100; the loss on the part of the King's 
forces, amounting to thirteen killed, wounded and miss- 
ing, fell chiefly on the seamen and marines, who composed 
the piquet this night. Lieut. Graham unfortunately re- 
ceived a dangerous wound in this action. 

August 1. A slack fire on all sides. At 4 p. m., the 
Enemy's fleet getting under weigh, and the wind and tide 
serving them to enter the harbour, the embodied seamen 
were immediately called on board their respective ships; 
but it afterwards appeared that the Enemy only weighed 
to form a closer line. Guard-boats as usual. 

August 2. At 10 A. M., three of the Enemy's ships 
weighed, and came to anchor nearer the harbour's moutli. 
Some cannonading between the fortress and the Enemy's 
batteries on the lieight. The outer magazine of the fortress 
being too much exposed, as lying in front and between the 
two fires, the marines were charged witli the duty of bring- 
ing it to the magazine in the fortress, which was performed 
without any loss. P. M. A flag of truce from the Enemy, 
to treat for the exchange of a lieutenant of their fleet, 
taken (wounded) at the half-moon battery, on the ^Ist 
ult. ; but he had died of his wounds this morning. This 
day the Enemy posted some marksmen behind trees, within 
musket shot of the fortress, and killed and wounded some 

August 3. A slack fire the whole day. Perceived the 
Enemy busy in erecting a l)attery to the northward, on 
the main, above the King's ships. By a deserter from 


the Enem3^'s fleet, we learn, the force landed below the 
lialf-nioon battery was 1000 seamen and marines, joined on 
their landing by 200 troops; that their intentions were, 
to storm the fortress in the rear, while the army from the 
heights made their attack in front ; that it was not in- 
tended to storm the half-moon battery, but that they had 
mistaken their road, in endeavoring to get in the rear of 
the fortress, when they received the first fire of the piquet ; 
wliich led tliem to suppose that their design had been dis- 
covered, and tliat they were ambushed. The army also, 
believing this to be the case, retreated to their ground. 
At 2 P. M., some seamen were sent to the fortress to 
assist in working the cannon, and another party for the 
defence of the Seamen's bastion, where a nundjer of swivels 
from the men of war were planted, loaded with grape 
shot, as a precaution against any attempt of the Enemy to 
storm the works. By request of the General, a number of 
pikes were also brought from the King's ships to the 
fortress, and put in the hands of the seamen, to prevent 
the enemy from hoarding their bastion. Guard-boats out 
as usual. 

August 4. The Enemy's ships retain their former 
situation. A smart cannonading between the fortress and 
the batteries on the heights, and a great number of shells 
thrown on botli sides. Some ship's buckets for the use of 
the garrison brought on shore, in case the fascines at 
the well bastion, or store-houses, might be fired by the 
Enemy's shells. At 9 A. m., the Enemy opened their new 
battery near Wesdoat's house, on the main, to the north- 
ward of the shipping. A brisk fire was kept up the whole 
day, and the men of war suffered much in their rigging 
and hulls; being too far from the battery for the light 
metal of the ships to produce any effect, their companies 
were ordered below. P. M. Some skirmishing between 
the piquets, and trifling losses on both sides ; on the 
Enemy's, some Indians were killed. During the day, 
several accidents happened by cannon shot in the fort: 
among others, the boatswain of the Nautilus was wounded 
by giape, and a seaman belonging to the North killed by 
an 18-pounder, at the guns they were stationed at in the 

August 5. Cannonading the greatest part of the day 
between the fortress and the Enemy's batteries on the 
height, and fi-om the north battery against the men of 


war, damaging their hulls and rigging. A. M. The 
remaining off-side guns from His Majesty's sloop North 
brought on shore, and mounted in the cavalier in the 
fortress. P. M. The garrison, being much in want of 
wads and match, was supplied from the men of war, as 
also with some six-pound shot, together with a quantit}' of 
twelve-pound shot, in which it is deficient. The north 
battery on the main having the commmand of the opposite 
shore on tiie peninsula of Majabagwaduce, whei-e the 
Enemy, under its protection, might make lodgments in 
tlieir approaches towards the heights opposite the men of 
war and within shot of the fortress, and might thereby 
destroy communication between them and the ganison; 
Captain Mowat judged it necessary to erect a work in 
order to preserve this communication ; a square redoubt 
was therefore marked out, to be manned Avith fifty sea- 
men, and to mount eight ship's guns en barbette. Guard- 
boats as usual during the night. 

August 6. Slack fire between tlie fortress and bat- 
teries on the heights ; and a few shot from tlie north 
battery against the men of war, cutting their rigging, and 
dismounting a six-pounder on board the No^-th. At four 
A. M., seventy seamen from the different ships, under the 
direction of Lieut. Brooke, of the North, sent on shore to 
raise the Seamen's redoubt on the height. P. M. A 
quantity of musquet cartridges (of which the garrison was 
in want) brought on shore from the men of war. Guard- 
boats as usual. At 11, a few shot exchanged between the 

August 7. The Enemy's ships preserve their positions. 
At 9 A. M., three of their brigs got under weigh, and 
stood down the bay, supposed to be on the lookout. Some 
skirmishing between the piquets, with loss to the Enemy. 
Lieut. McNeil, of the 82d, and one private, wounded. 
Slack fire between the batteries and the fortress, and the 
north battery perfectly silent. At 4 P. M., discovered a 
boat crossing the southeast bay to Hainey's plantation, 
where the Enemy kept a piquet. Lieut. Congalton, of 
the Nautilus, chaces with the boats from the men of war, 
and took her; but her crew, with those of a whale boat, 
and a gondola for transporting cannon, got safe on shore, 
and joined the piquet. Capt. Farnham, of the Nautilus, 
with Lieut. Brooke and fifty seamen, joined by a party of 
soldiers i'roin the garrison, landed and scoured the woods ; 


the Enemy fled immediately, and so effectnally concealed 
themselves as not to be discovered ; some had left their 
arms, ammunition and blankets, which were taken and 
brought on board. Guard-boats as usual during the night. 
By a deserter from the Enemy we learn that General 
Lovell had sent out small parties from his army round the 
country, and brought in a great number of loyal inhabit- 
ants, who were sent on board their fleet, and thrust down 
the holds, heavily laden with irons, both on the hands and 
feet ; their milch cows, and other stock, killed for the 
Enemy's use ; all their moveables destro}" ed or plundered, 
and their wives and children left destitute of every support 
of life. 

August 8. A constant cannonade the whole day be- 
tween the fortress and the Enemy's battery on the heights ; 
and from the north battery against the men of war, but 
returned only with a musquet. At 10 A. M., the Enemy 
brought a field-piece to play from the main on the seamen 
working at the redoubt ; but the facing towards the 
Enemy being the first raised, for the purpose of covering 
the party, it was impossible to dislodge them ; and a 
covering party daily attending fiom the garrison, pre- 
vented a nearer approach on any other ground. This 
evening the redoubt was finished, and, to the credit of the 
seamen, met witli the approbation of the General and 
Engineers. Guard-boats as usual during the night. 

August 9. Cannonading as usual. At 9 A. M., a new 
battery on the left of the Enemy's lines, was opened 
against the fortress, and its chief fire, as well as the shells, 
directed against the northwest bastion, raised with fas- 
cines only. P. M. — Discovered the Enemy had moved 
their piquet from Hainey's plantation and given up their 
design of cairying on a work for two 18-pounders against 
the men of war. Guard-boats as usual during the night. 

August 10. The Enemy's ships in their former posi- 
tion. A slack fire on all sides ; and nothing material. 

August 11. A smart cannonading from all the batteries, 
and some shot from the north battery well directed at the 
men of war. 

August 12. Slack fire on all sides, and no material op- 
erations tlie whole day: but at 9 P. M., a large body of sea- 
men and marines, from the Enemy's fleet, landed below 
Banks' house to the westward, and setting a fire to some 


barns, houses, and a quantity of lumber, boards, &c., on 
the beach, retreated to their ships again. 

August 13. Some skirmishing at daybreak, between the 
piquets, but no material loss on either side. At 1 P. M., 
came in some deserters from the Enemy's ships, who say, 
the boat chaced on shore at Hainey's plantation had in her 
the Commodore and some officers of their fleet, who, hav- 
ing escaped, returned to their ship»s, after lying- two days 
and a night in the woods ; that one of the officers (Capt. 
Ross of the Monmouth) had broke his leg in the woods; 
and that they were much disconcerted at the loss of the 
gondola, which was intended to carry over some 18-pounders 
to the battery on the plantation. Captain Mowat also (by 
his usual diligence) obtained information, that a degree of 
mutiny prevailed in the Enemy's fleet against their Com- 
modore, who, notwithstanding the resolves of several 
councils of war, and the urgent solicitations of the General 
to make another attempt on the King's ships had hitherto 
declined it through fear of losing some ships ; but that, in 
consequence of another council held this morning on board 
the Warren, it was determined to force the harbour next 
tide, and take or destroy the men of war ; that five ships 
were destined for this service, one of which was the War- 
ren ; but that the Putnam, of twenty guns, was to lead ; 
and that each shij) was doubly manned with picked men. 
This information was confirmed at noon by five of their 
fleet getting under weigh, and coming to an anchor in a 
line, the Putnam being the headmost ship. The marines 
were now called on board their respective ships, the barri- 
cades strengthened, guns double-shotted, and every dispo- 
sition made for the most vigorous defence. The St. Helena 
transport had been brought into the line, and fitted out 
with what guns could be procured, and the crews of the 
transports (now scuttled and laid on shore, to prevent them 
from falling into the Enemy's hands) turned on board to 
fight her, and the General had also advanced five pieces of 
cannon, under cover of an epaulement, to salute them as 
they came in. But at 5 P. m., the appearance of some 
strange sails in the offing, disconcerted the Enemy's plan ; 
and the five ships, getting under weigh again, stood off and 
on the whole night:. Guard-boats watching the motions of 
the Enemy's fleet ; and the ships' companies standing at 
their quarters until daylight. This night had been fixed 


upon to storm the north battery, Avith sixty seamen, under 
the command of Lieut. Brooke, supported by Lieut. 
Caffrae, of the 82d, with fifty soldiers ; but the Enemy's 
operations, and the appearance of the strange fleet, pre- 
vented the execution of it. 

August 14. At daybreak this morning it was discovered 
that the Enemy had during the night, moved off their can- 
non, and quitting the heights of Majabigwaduce, silently 
embarked in small vessels. At 4 A. M., after firing a shot 
or two, they also evacuated Nautilus isLand; and leaving 
their cannon spiked and dismounted, got on board a brig 
lying to receive them, and made sail with the transports 
up the Penobscot river. The whole fleet got under weigh, 
and upon one of the brigs he'aving in sight, off the har- 
bour's mouth, with various signals abroad, they bore up 
with all sail after the transports. There remaining now 
no doubt but the strange fleet was the relief expected, the 
off-side guns of the Albany^ North, and Nautilus, were got 
down from the fortress, and being taken on board, the 
three ships slipped their stern moorings, hove up their 
bower anchors, and working out of the harbour, joined in 
about the centre of the King's fleet, in pui^suit of the flying 
Enemy, who were now crowding with every sail they 
could set. The Hunter, and Hampden, two of the Enemy's 
ships, of twenty guns each, attempted to escape through 
the passage of Long Island, but were cut off" and taken; 
the former ran in shore, all standing, and was instantly 
deserted by her crew, who got safe on shore; and the 
Raisonahle, Sir George Collier, being the sternmost ship 
in the fleet, took possession, and got her off", and came to 
anchor near her. The rest of His Majesty's ships con- 
tinued in chace of the Enemy, until it grew so dark, as to 
render the narrow navigation exceedingly dangerous; and 
then were obliged to anchor for the night, while the 
Enemy, having good pilots, ran some miles further up the 
river. The Defiance brig, of fourteen guns, ran into an in- 
let, where she could not be pursued, and was set on fire by 
her crew. During the night the Enemy set fire to several 
ships and brigs, which blew up with vast explosions. In 
short, the harmony and good understanding that subsisted 
amongst the forces by sea, and by land, enabled them to 
effect almost prodigies, for so ardently did they vie with 
each other in the general service, that it may be truly said, 
not a single Officer, Sailor, or Soldier, was once seen to 


shrink from his duty, difficult and hazardous as it was. The 
flying scout of fifty men, commanded by Lieut. Caffrae, of 
the 82d, in particuhir, distinguished themselves to admira- 
tion, marching frequently almost round the peninsula, both 
by day and by night, and with drum and fife playing the 
tune called Yankee, which greatly dispirited the Enemy, 
and prevented tbeir small parties from galling our men at 
their works. In one instance, they even drove back to 
their encampment, 300 of the Enemy, who had been sent 
to storm an out-work. The manoeuvres of the Three Sloops 
of War, under the direction of Captain Mowat, were, 
moreover, such as enabled the King's forces to hold out a 
close siege of twenty-one days, against a fleet and army, of 
more than six times their number, and strength; insomuch 
that, on the first appearance of the reinforcement from 
New York, in the offing, the Enemy debarked their troops, 
and sailed with their whole fleet up Penobscot river, where 
they burnt their shipping, and from thence m.arclied to 
their respective homes : and the loj-al inhabitants, who 
were taken in the time of the siege, and were cruelly 
treated on board their ships, had their irons taken off, and 
were set at liberty,* 

Thus did this little Garrison, with Three Sloops of War, 
by the unwearied exertions of Soldiers, and Seamen, Avhose 
bravery cannot be too much extolled, under the judicious 
conduct of Officers, whose zeal is hardly to be paralleled, 
succeed in an enterprise of great importance, against diffi- 
culties apparently insurmountable, under circumstances ex- 
ceedingly critical, and in a manner strongly expressive of 
their faithful and spirited attachment to the interests of 
their King and Country. 

*"To give them a cool nirinpj, as the Enemy called it, once a day the irons 
were knocked oft' tlieir feet, and they were put into a boat alongside the ship, 
where they remained about an hour, and had the filth of the ship poured 
upon their headis." 



A List of the Enemy's Ships, &c., taken and destroyed 
in Penobscot River.'- ^• 

[By Calef.] 




No. of Men. 



18 & 12 



































B ack Prince, 
Sky llocket, 
































1. Killed, wounded and taken— on the Enemy's side, 474 

Killed, wounded and missing of His .Majesty's Sua and Land forces, . .70 

2. W;th 9 Sail of Transport vessels, taken. 

With 10 Sail of Ti-ansport and Ordnance vessels, burnt. 

Total, 37 



By Brlgadler-Cieneral Francis M:Lean, and Andreiv Bar- 
clay., Esq.., commanding Detachments of His Majesty''s 
Land and Naval Forces in the Biver Penobscot. 

Whereas it is well known that there are in the several 
Colonies in North America, now in open rebellion, many 
persons who still retain a sense of their duty, and who are 
only deterred from an open profession of it by the fear of 
becoming objects of cruel treatment, which they had seen 
exercised on others, by persons who, having plunged their 
country into the horroi's and distresses it now labors under, 
industriously seize every opportunity of gratifying their 
avaricious and wicked dispositions, by the wanton oppres- 
sion of individuals : 


And whereas it hath been represented, that the greater 
part of the inhabitants on the river Penobscot, and the 
several ishinds therein, are well affected to His Majesty's 
person, and the ancient constitntion under which they 
formerly flourished, and from the restoration of which 
they can alone expect relief from the distressed situation 
they are now in : 

Their Excellencies, the Commanders in Chief of His 
Majesty's naval and land forces in North America, talking 
the good dispositions of the inhabitants above mentioned 
(as represented to them) into their consideration, and 
desirous of encouraging and protecting the persons profess- 
ing them, and secuiing them from any molestation on 
that account, have ordered here the forces under our 
respective commands for that purpose. We, therefore, in 
obedience to their directions, hereby invite, and earnestly 
request, the inhabitants on river Penobscot, and the 
islands therein in general, to be the first to return to that 
state of good order and government to which the whole 
must, in the end, submit, and openly to profess that 
loyalty and allegiance from which they have been led to 
swerve by arguments and apprehensions, of the falsehood 
of which they must long ago have been sensible, as well as 
of the vicAvs of those who promoted them. 

We call on all those, also, in whom these principles 
have never been shaken, to embrace the present oppor- 
tunity of manifesting them without dread or apprehension, 
as we hereby assure them of every protection in the 
power of the forces under our respective commands to 
bestow. And, to quiet the apprehensions of any persons 
who might be deterred from embracing this opportunity 
by the dread of being punished for any former acts of 
rebellion which they may have been led to commit, we, 
hereby, declare that we will extend our protection, and 
give every encouragement, to all persons of whatever 
denomination, without any retrospect to their former 
behavior, who shall, within eight days from the date 
hereof, take the oaths of allegiance and fidelity to His 
Majesty, before such persons as we shall appoint, either at 
the headquarters of His Majesty's trooj)s at Majal)ig\va- 
duce Neck, or at Fort Pownal ; which oaths of allegiance 
and fidelity we require all persons whatever to come and 
take within the required time, and not, by neglecting to 
give such testimony of their loyalty, give room to look 


on them as desirous of continuing in an obstinate and 
unavailing rebellion, and subject tbemselves to the treat- 
ment such conduct deserves. 

To all persons, who, by returning to their allegiance, 
shall merit it, we not only promise protection and 
encouragement, with the relief that shall be in our power 
to alleviate their present distresses; but we also declare 
that we will employ the forces under our command to 
punish all persons whatever who shall attempt in any 
manner to molest them, either in person or property, on 
account of their conduct or loyalty towards us ; and if 
forced by their behavior to punish any men, or set of men, 
on the above mentioned account, we declare that we will 
do it in such an exemplary manner as we hope will deter 
others from obliging us to have recourse to such severe 
means in future. 

And whereas, the inhabitants to whom this proclamation 
is addressed, as well as those in general settled in that 
part of the country called the Province of Maine, have 
settled themselves on lands, and cnltivated them, without 
any grant or title by which their possessions can be 
secured to them or their posterity, we, therefore, declare 
that we have full power to promise, and we do hereby 
promise, that no person whatever, Avho shall take the 
oaths of allegiance as above required, and give such other 
testimony of their attachment to the constiution, as we, or 
other officers commanding His Majesty's forces, may re- 
quire, shall be disturbed in their possessions ; but that 
whenever civil government takes place, they shall receive 
gratuitous grants from His Majesty (who alone has the 
power of giving them) of all lands they may have actually 
cultivated and improved. 

And whereas, the leaders of the present rebellion, in 
pursuit of the views which first instigated them to foment 
it, and probably to blind the people with regard to the 
cause of the severe distress under which they now labour, 
have industriously propagated a notion, that the officers of 
His Majesty's sea and land forces willingly add to their 
sufferings ; we, therefore, to remove such prejudices, and, 
as far as in us lies, to alleviate the misery of the inhabit- 
ants of the villages and islands along the coast of New 
England, hereby declare that such of them as behave 
themselves in a peaceable and orderly manner, shall have 


full libert}'' to fish in their ordinary coast-fishing craft, 
without any molestation on our part; on the contrary, 
the}^ shall be protected in it by all vessels and parties 
under our command. 

Given on board His Majesty's Ship Blande, in Majabig- 
waduce river, the loth of June, 1779. 





By Solomon Lovell^ Esq.^ Brigadier- General and Com- 
mander in Chief of the Forces of the State of Massachusetts 
Baij^ and employed on aw Expedition against the Army of 
the King of Great Britain^ at Penobscot. 

"Whereas it hath been represented to Government, that 
an armament of some sea and land forces belonging to 
the King of Great Britain, under the encouragement of 
divers of the inhabitants of these parts, inimically disposed 
to the United States of America, have made a descent on 
Penobscot, and the parts adjacent; and, after propagating 
various false reports of a general insurrection of the 
Eastern and Northern Indians in their favour, a Proclama- 
tion has been issued on the loth of June last, signed Francis 
McLean and Andrew Barclay, said to be in behalf and by 
authority of said King, promising grants of lands wliicli he 
never owned, and of which he has now forfeited the juris- 
diction by an avowed breach of that compact between him 
and his subjects, whereon said jurisdiction was founded, 
and terrifying by threat nings which his power in this land 
is unable to execute, unless his servants have recourse to 
their wonted methods of midnight slaughter and savage 
devastation, all designed to induce the free inhabitants of 
this part of the State to submit to their power, and to take 
an oath of allegiance to their King, whereby they must 
greatly profane the name of God, and solemnly intangle 
themselves in an obligation to give up their cattle, pro- 
visions, and labour, to the will of every officer pretending 
the authority of said King, and finally to take up arms 
against their brethren whenever called upon; and it appears 
some persons have been induced out of fear, and by the 


force of compulsion, to take said oatli, who may so far be 
imposed on as to think themselves bound to act in 
conformity thereto : 

I have thought proper to issue this Proclamation, here- 
by declaring that the allegiance due to the ancient constitu- 
tion^ obliges to resist to the last extremity the present sys- 
tem of tyranny in the British Government, which has now 
overset it ; that by this mode of government the people 
have been reduced to a state of nature, and it is utterly 
unlawful to require any obedience to their forfeited author- 
ity ; and all acts recognizing such authority, are sinful in 
their nature ; no oaths promising it can be lawful ; since, 
if any act be sin itself no oath can make it a duty: the very 
taking of such an oath is a crime, of which every act adher- 
ing to it is a repetition with dreadful aggravations. 

In all cases where oaths are imposed, and persons com- 
pelled to submit to them, b}^ threats of immediate destruc- 
tion, whicli they cannot otherwise avoid, it is manifest that, 
however obligatory they ma}'' be to the conscience of the 
compeller^ whose interest and meaning is thereby so sol- 
emnly witnessed, it can have no force on the compelled, 
whose interest was known by the compulsion itself, to be 
the very reverse of the words in which it is expressed. 

At the same time I do assure the inhabitants of Penob- 
scot, and the country adjacent, that if the}^ are found to be 
so lost to all the virtues of good citizens, as to comply with 
advice of said pretended Proclamation, by becoming the 
first to desert the cause of freedom, of virtue, and of God, 
which the whole force of Britain, and all its auxiliaries, 
now find themselves unable to overthrow, they must expect 
also to be the first to experience the just resentment of this 
injured and betrayed Country, in the condign punishment 
which their treason deserves. From this punishment their 
invaders will be very unlike to protect them, as it is now 
known they are not able to protect themselves in any part 
of America ; and as the protection, on which those pro- 
claiming Gentlemen say they have only power to promise, 
can be afforded by nothing but the forces which they com- 
mand, and of these forces bj^ the blessing of God, I doubt 
not in a very short time, to be put in possession ; so there 
is no more reason to expect it from the Indian nations 
around, as good part of them are now in my encampment, 
and several hundreds more on their way speedily to join 
me ; and I have the best evidences from all the rest, that 


they steadfastly refused to accept of any presents, sign the 
papers, or do any of the barbarous acts assigned them by 
bur Enemies ; and, on the contrary, hold themselves in 
readiness, on the shortest notice, to turn out for the defence 
of any place which these men may attack. 

Therefore, as the authority committed to me necessitates 
my executing my best endeavours to rid this much-abused 
country, not only of its foreign, but also from its domestic 
enemies, I do therefore declare, that when, by the blessing 
of Heaven on the American arms, we shall have brought 
the forces that have invaded us to the state they deserve, 
it shall be my care that the laws of this State be duly 
executed upon such inhabitants thereof as have traitorously 
abetted or encouraged them in their lawless attempts. 

And that proper discrimination may be made between 
them and the faithful and liege subjects of the United 
States, I further declare, that all persons within the Eastern 
Country, that have taken the oath prescribed by the 
Enemy and shall not within forty-eight hours after receiv- 
ing notice of this Proclamation, repair to my camp at 
Majabigwaduce, with such arms and accoutrements as they 
now possess, shall be considered as traitors, who have vol- 
untaril}'' combined with the Common Enemy in the com- 
mon ruin ; but all such as shall appear at head-quarters 
within said term and give proper testimony of their deter- 
mination to continue cordially in allegiance to the United 
States of America, shall be recognized as good and faithful 
members of the community, and treated accordingly, any- 
thing obnoxious in their taking the oath, notwithstanding. 

Given at Head Quarters on the Heights of Majabigwa- 
duce, this 29th Day of July, Anno Domini 1779, and in 
the Fourth Year of the Independence of America. 

(Signed) S. LOVELL, Brig. General. 

By Command of the General. 

(Signed) JOHN MARSTON, Secretary. 




Co'py of Gieneral LovelVs Letter to Commodore Saltonstall; 
taken with other Papers on hoard the Transport. 

Head Quarters, Majabigwaduce Heights, ) 

August 11, 1779. i 


In this alarming posture of affairs, I am once more 
obliged to request the most speedy service in your depart- 
ment; and that a moment be no longer delayed to put in 
execution what I have been given to understand was the 
determination of your last council. 

The destruction of the Enemy's ships must be effected 
at any rate, although it might cost us half our own ; but I 
cannot possibly conceive that danger, or that the attempt 
will miscarry. I mean not to determine on your mode of 
attack; but it appears to me so very practicable, that any 
further delay must be infamous ; and I have it this moment 
by a deserter from one of their ships, that the moment you 
enter the harbour they will destroy them ; which will effect- 
ually answer our purpose. 

The idea of more batteries against them was sufficiently 
reprobated; and, would the situation of ground admit of 
such proceeding, it would noiv take up dangerous time ; and 
we have already experienced their obstinacy in that respect. 
You cannot but be sensible of my ardent desire to co-operate 
with you ; and of this the guard at Westcot's is a sufficient 
proof, and which, I think, a hazardous distance from my 
encamjDment. My situation is confined ; and while the 
Enemy's ships are safe, the operations of the army cannot 
possibly ])e extended an inch beyond the present limits; 
the alternative now remains, to destroy the ships, or raise 
the siege. The information of the British ships at the 
Hook (probably sailed before this) is not to be despised ; 
not a moment is to be lost; we must determine instantly, 
or it may be productive of disgrace, loss of ships and men ; 
as to the troops, their retreat is secure, although I would 
die to save the necessity of it. 

I feel for the honor of America, in an expedition which 
a nobler exertion had long before this crowned with suc- 
cess; and I have now only to repeat the absolute necessity 


of undertaking the destruction of the ships, or quitting the 
place ; and with these opinions I sliall, impatiently, wait 
your answer. 

I am, Sir, Yours, &c. 
[Signed.] S. LOVELL, Brig. General. 

To Commodore Saltonstall. 

[To Doctor Calef's Journal.] 

Inasmuch as the Country of Penobscot has, till lately, 
been but little known or considered by Britons, the Editor 
[John Calef] has thought proper to give the Public the 
following short Account of it ; having of late years trav- 
elled eight times through the same, and made himself 
acquainted with the most respectable persons in each 
Town, and with the minutest circumstances which respect 
that District. 

Penobscot, sometimes called the territory of Sagada- 
hock, lies in the eastern part of the Province of Massachu- 
setts Bay, having the Province of Nova Scotia (viz: Passa- 
maquodie) for its Eastern, the Province of Main (viz : 
Kennebec River its Western ; Canada its Northern, and 
the Ocean its Southern boundary ; and is nearly as large as 
the kingdom of Ireland. The French were formerly in 
possession of part of this Country, viz : from Penobscot 
River, eastward ; they had a Fort ofi the Peninsula of 
Majabigwaduce, commanded by Monsieur Castine, and a 
great number of French inhabitants settled upon Penob- 
scot, and on other rivers, and along the sea-coast to Nova 
Scotia. On the reduction of Louisburg, in the 5'ear 1745, 
Monsieur Castine demohshed the Fort ; and all the inhabit- 
ants of this District broke up, and removed to Canada. 

At the end of the last war, viz: in 17G3, the General 
Assembly of Massachusetts Bay granted thirteen Town- 
ships, each of six miles square, lying on the East side of 
Penobscot River, to thirteen Companies of Proprietors, 
who proceeded to lay out the said Townships, and returned 
plans thereof to the General Assembly, which were ap- 
proved and accepted. In consequence of this measure, 


about sixty families settled on each Township, and made 
great improvements of the land. These settlers employed 
the then Agent for the said Province at the Court of Great 
Britain, to solicit the Royal approbation of those grants ; 
and in the year 3773, as also in the last year (1780,) they 
sent an Agent, expressly on their own account, for the 
same purpose, and further, to pray that His Majesty would 
be graciously pleased to sever that District from the 
Province of Massachusetts Bay, and erect it into a Govern- 
ment under the authority of the Crown ; which solicita- 
tion has hitherto, however, been without effect. 

The inhabitants of this Country are in general loyal, 
except those of the Township of Machias, who have at 
that place a small Fort, under the direction of Congress, 
and about 135 Indian warriors of the Machias tribe, in 
their interest ; all the other tribes of Northern Indians are 
in the King's peace. 

The soil of this Country is good, and well adapted to 
the culture of every sort of English grain, as well as 
hemp, flax, &c., but it is more especially proper for graz- 
ing (in which it excels every other part of America) and 
for breeding cattle, sheep, swine, and horses. Its woods 
abound with moose, and other kinds of deer, beaver, and 
several kinds of game good for food. 

A few miles from the sea-coast are large tracts of land, 
covered with pine trees, suitable for masts of the largest 
size.* Timber for ship-building, staves, boards, and all 
other sorts of lumber. On the rivers and streams there 
were more than 200 saw-mills, when the rebellion broke 
out, and many more might be erected. The rivers abound 
with salmon and various other kinds of fish ; several of 
which rivers are navigable 50 or 60 miles for ships of 300 
tons, and much further for small craft. There are, on the 
sea-coast from Falmouth to Passamaquoddy, which is 
about 70 leagues, more than twenty harbours ; many of 
them are very large, with deep water, and good bottom, 
and are not incommoded with ice in the winter season, — 
viz : Falmouth, Sheepscut, Townsend, George's Islands, 
Penobscot, Algemogin, Bass, Cranberry Islands, French- 
man's Bay, Gouldsborough, Machias, Narraguagus, and 
East Passamaquodie. In each of these harbours, ships of 

*ror this article Britain has been obliged to the Northern powers, Russia 
in particular. 


the largest size may ride in safety, in the most violent 

In the harbour of Majabigwaduce, is a large sandy beach ; 
the tide flows from fifteen to eighteen feet, and a' dock- 
yard may be erected there, at a small expence, for the col- 
lection of masts, lumber, &c., and to heave down the 
largest men of war. Near the entrance of the harbour, is 
good fishing ground, where cod, shell, and several other 
kinds of fish are taken in plenty. 

In October, 1772, there were in this District, forty-two 
towns, and 2,638 families,* who have since greatly in- 
creased, at least in the proportion of one-fourth, which is 
659 families, making, in the whole, 3,297 families: — Reck- 
oning, then, five souls to each family (which is a moderate 
computation) there are now 16,485 souls. 

To this New Country, the Loyalists resort with their 
families, (last summer, particularly, a great number of 
families were preparing to remove thither) from the New 
England Provinces, and find an asylum from the tyranny 
of Congress, and their taxgatherers, as well as daily em- 
ployment, in fishing, lumbering, clearing and j^reparing 
land for their subsistence ; and there they continue in full 
hope, and pleasing expectation, that they may soon re-en- 
joy the liberties and privileges which would be best se- 
cured to them by laws, and under a form of government, 
modelled after the British Constitution ; and that they may 
be covered in their possessions, agreeably to the Petition 
to the Throne in 1773 ; which was renewed last year. 

Should this District be severed from the Province of 
Massachusetts Bay, and erected into a Province under the 
authority of the Crown and the inhabitants quieted in 
t\\Q.\x poHsesdons^ it would be settled with amazing rapidity ; 
the Royal Navy, West India Islands, and other parts of 
His Majesty's Dominions, well and plentifully served for 
centuries to come, from this District, with every article 
above mentioned, without being obliged to other Powers 
for the same ; and the profits of the whole would, fall into 
the lap of Great Britain, in return for her INIanufactures. 
Roads would, moreover, be opened for communication with 
other of His Majesty's Provinces, which might be travelled, 
in a short time, by the following routes: — 

*" As appears by a list taken by a respectable person." 


Distance froni Qiiebeck to Passadonkeag, Indian 

Oldtown, on Penobscot river. 

65 Miles. 


35 " 

Fort Halifax, on Kennebec river, 

19 " 


33 " 


54 " 




65 " 


Distance from Annapolis, Nova Scotia, to St. 

John's, 16 leagues. 

48 Miles. 

Penobscot River, 

55 " 

Fort Halifax, 

19 " 


205 " 

327 " 
N. B. from Boston to Halifax, is a good Cart Road. 



Remarks on the Siege of Majabiguaduce from July 24:th to 
August 14ith, 1779. 

Sat. July 24th. Saw a large fleet of Ships, Brigs, 
Sloops and Schooners, amounting to 37 sail or upwards. 

Sun. 25. This morning the Fleet, belonging to the 
Rebels, anchored in this harbour, and in the afternoon 
came and attacked our little fleet very warmly, and was 
returned as smartly both by our Ships and Batteries. They 
were endeavoring to land their forces this afternoon, but 
were repulsed, and obliged to return to their shipping with 
a considerable loss. 

Mon. 26. They were very busy in landing their men at 
Matthew's Point, opposite the neck, and we were as busy 
in preparing platforms, «fec., to annoy the Rebels, if any 
attack on the fort should be made. A constant firing 
of Cannon commenced between both sides again, with the 
shipping and our batteries from about two o'clock until 3 — 
when the Rebels returned back till about six, when they once 
more ventured the second attack, and so continued till 
dark — though not much damage supposed to be done on 


eitlier side. This evening they landed some men on Banks' 
island, with a design to sink our ships and play on our fort. 

Tues. 27. We were pretty quiet all day, except a few 
cannon tired at our Batteries, which was accordingly 
returned by us with as good sulphur as Britons could give, 
and we hope they did proper execution. This night they 
were very busy about making a Battery on Banks' island. 
They also attempted to land on our neck, but our picquet 
repulsed those poor and misled conquerors, as they thought 
themselves, by dividing their plunder and selling their 
shares one among another, at as high a price as the billings- 
gate leaders does the furniture. 

They drew close in shore, in order to cover their land- 
ing, which they effected by a constant firing from their ship- 
ping — they landed their troops in all, at that time, about 
600. Although our pic(]^uet behaved with the usual spirit 
of Britons they were forced to retreat to the fort, with the loss 
of several killed and wounded, but not one-half part was our 
loss to what the rebels were. One principal officer of tjie 
Rebels was killed by a soldier of the 82d Regt., as he was 
endeavoring to penetrate his wa}^ through a constant fire of 
small arms, and climbing a steep hill. The remainder 
part of the day some cannon was fired from us to divert 
the Yankees, besides some small arms. 

Thurs. 29. This morning they opened a battery at 
Nautilus island consisting of two 18-pounders and one 12- 
pounder — their rel)ellious spirit they begun to show by fir- 
ing on our Ships, Fort and Batteries — we did not spare 
powder and ball to the Rebels in part of payment for their 
compliment of this morning. Our ships were obliged to 
remove their stations, and go further up the harbour, as 
they met with some small damage by their heavy metal. 
There was two men wounded on board the ships, one of 
which is since dead. One of their 18-pounder shot they 
sent into our fort, which killed a bullock on the parade — 
thus they finished this day's malice. 

Frid. '60. Tliis morning they opened a battery in the 
Avenero, distance from us about 488 yards, consisting of 
one 18-Pr. and two 12-Prs. from which they kept a con- 
tinual firing on purpose to make a breach through our 
works, Init their attempts proved in vain, for they could 
not obtain their vile intentions, as we was well lined with 
brave Britons. This afternoon they killed two of the 
additional gunners, belonging to the 74th Regt., with their 


cannon. They also began to throw small shells at us. We 
also began to throw a few small pills at them in partner- 
ship with our broad Arr. G-entlemen, which without doubt 
they paid their journey well. 

Sat. 31. The usual sport of cannonading at each other 
commenced. This night the Rebels, under cover of the 
dark of night and a thick fog, they surrounded our battery 
at Banks' house, and, like skulking savages lay concealed 
till this morning, when about two o'clock in the morning 
they were discovered, and a very smart attack with small 
arms commenced on both sides, considering our strength, 
which did not exceed forty officers and privates — the 
Rebels were upwards of 300 — they drove our party from 
the works awhile, but daylight coming on, our brave 
soldiers advanced on them again, and drove them from our 
lost Battery. We had in the first retreat and advancing 
six men killed and five wounded, oneof which was Lieut. 
Graham, of the 82d Regt. — they this once more begun 
their cruelty by setting on their most outrageous villains 
with the Indians,- scalping and stripping our men after 
they were dead — but the brave spirit of our soldiers would 
not let them deal so with them after they drove those 
scoundrels, but showed them mercy ; for when they re- 
treated they left fifteen prisoners, some of which was 
wounded, one of those was a Lieutenant, who died since. 
They also intended to storm our fort, but was most badly 
disappointed in a shameful manner. 

Mond. Aug. 2. All last night the Rebels were very 
hurried in making a battery at the back of Waistcoat's 
house, to damage our shipping — we were constantly 
cannonading each other all this day. We had two addi- 
tional gunners belonging to the 74th Regt. killed, one car- 
penter killed, and the boatswain of the Nautilus wounded 
by their cannon shot. 

Tues. Aug. 3. The Rebels still at work at their battery 
to play on our ships, and we as busy as possible, throwing 
shells and cannonading them, which pass away time very 
merrily. We were always in expectation of their coming 
to storm us, and we were as ready to receive them on the 
point of our bayonets. We met with no damage this day, 
worth mentioning. 

Wed. 4. We begin with the old story on both sides. 
They killed one man on board thie North, from the battery 
on Nautilus Island. The Rebels this day opened their 


battery at Wescutt's, consisting of two 18-Prs., and one 
12-Pr. — they sent one ball into the Nautilus — this was all 
the damage done by the villains this day. Lieut. Carfrey, 
of the 82d Regt., with a party of light infantry, played 
them Yankee Doodle in open defiance, in front of their 
batter}^, but the cowardly boasters dare not attempt to face 

Thurs. 5. Early this morning the Rebels begun on our 
ships, from Nautilus Island and Wescott's battery, as also 
a smart fire with small arms, which lasted half an hour. 
We had one man killed and one wounded. One Indian 
and one Yankee were killed in plain view, and without 
doubt, many more fell in the action. Their batteries kept 
a continual fire on our ships. Batteries, and on the Fort, 
which we returned with the spirit of Britons. Their 
batteries hulled the Nautilus three times; they wounded 
one man on board in both hands. This afternoon our 
chief Engineer was " diverted " in raising a battery for 
our seamen, in case they had been obliged to leave their 
shipping, and secure their retreat, and maintain a constant 
communication with the Fort. 

Fri. 6. This morning one of the 74th Regt. was killed, 
and in payment for their trouble one of our marines shot a 
Rebel in open view, in front of the 74tli old Camp ground. 
A constant cannonading on both sides, but no damage re- 
ceived on ours — the seamen at work on their reserve battery, 
with great expedition. 

Sat. 7. This morning commenced with the common 
game of exchanging shot on l)oth sides, and one Corporal 
of the 74th stood in the way of a stranger, as he was pass- 
ing over our fort, taking his way through the Commis- 
sary's store, made bold to take the Corporal's head off his 
shoulders, without asking any other pay for his journey. 
This afternoon a smart skirmish began with the Rebels and 
a party of our light infantry, Lieut. McNeil of the 82d, was 
wounded, and one private. We may well suppose the 
Yankees did not return without loss, as they were forced 
to fly to the woods for shelter, like a cowardly crew, and 
seen to carry several, eitlier killed or wounded with them. 
A detachment from the Fort joined the seamen, and was 
sent to a place called Ilainey's Rcnnt, opposite our ship- 
ping, where the Rebels intended to erect a Battery, which 
of consequence would liave done much damage to every 


vessel in our hiirboiir l)el()ii,t,niig to His Majesty — in wliich 
case, tlie mistaken pickaroons fired a few small arms at 
onr boats, as they were! landiuLf their men, and so fled to 
the woods, as usual, lor safety, and left their boats to be 
towed alonjj^ side our shi])S — they bein*j^ (content to jiad the 
hoof throuijfh woods, swamps, and briars, &g. This eve- 
ning, the Rebels set lire to Master Hanks' and Dyco's houses 
and Barns — both these was true friends to government. 

Sund. 8. Only a few cannon shot exchangeil, by 
reason of a heavy rain. 

Mon. 9. All day |)retty (juiet till night, when a cannon 
ball was sent from tlu; Jiebels, and killed one of the 74th. 
We are always in hojxis wi; i)aid them for their trouble, as 
we commonly ])lay as good a stick as they. 

Tues. 10. 'Ihis morning a few cannon shot was lircd in 
exchange, till wc; discovered one ])iece of Ordnance in a 
new work, directly in a line from our works. lint we 
soon rooted them from that work, with the usual alertness 
of Hritons. This afternoon came in a deserter from the 
Kcbels, and iid'ormed us of scmu; shij)S cruising off the har- 
bour, which was no disagr(HuU)le news to us, as we expected 
a reiidorecnienl to assist us to give these two bold command- 
cis of the ^'ankees a proper disabling, and teaeh them the 

Wed. 11. This morning they lirctl on our picquet, and 
killed one man and wounded another. This evening Lieut. 
CarlVey of the (S2d, and his light infantry went to recon- 
noitre round the neck and fell in with a party of the 
lU'bels, consisting of al)()ut l>00 scari>crows, at Banks' Bat- 
tery — Our Lieut, ordered to give them a volley of small 
arms and a tap of the Grenadier's march, accompanied 
with Yankee l)oodle, which so dauntcul these i)oor devils 
that they hove some of their arms away and ran to the 
woods — they threw a few Balls out oi' their mortars at us, 
but did us no damage. We i-losed the day by sending 
them j)l(>nty of 12-I*r. shot. 

Thurs. \'2. This nu)rning the Rebels seemed as if they 
had meant \o make an attack on the fort, for at daybreak 
they opened all their batteries on the fort and shipping. 
We also em])loyed ourselves to make them a recompense 
f(»r tluir extravaganees. The ( Jeneral and all our principal 
ofticers were of opinion the Yankees had taken courage to 
storm our fort, which seemed very likely by their landing 
many t»f their troops and often forming them in open view 


of our sooutinijj purtios. AVo woro (liis at'tornoon busy in 
raising a bit of a battorv for four O-Prs. to play on thoir 
shipping, if in case ihov should make an attempt to 
approach ours, uhich would sooner have perished in the 
attack than have fallen a prey to these savage plunderers. 
This evening they set lire t(^ Perkins' h(nis(> and barn, and 
also many feet of boards and other lumber, whieii \V(ndd, 
they thought, have been of use to us. This day we closed, 
but the Rebels did not make their attempt, as we could 
have wished them to have done. 

Frid. lo. 'I'his nuu-ning we were pretty quiet till about 
noon, when they opened their batteries and some Held 
j)ieces on us, as we were hauling our eanncui to the new 
liattery to interpose their sliii>ping, if in case of an attempt 
on ours. Towards the evening the Rebels advanced 
towards Joseph Perkins' house, but we soon deprived them 
of that desigii by the opening of both round and grapo 
shot among them, both from our batteries and shi])ping — 
at the same time we discovi'red some large shi[)s off the 
harboiu', which glorious sight put our whole soldiers in 
fresh spirits, as we made no doubt but they Avere friends 
and would soon bo in pursuit of the Rebels, as it seemed 
very probable by their signal vessel coming with all speed 
anil making many dift\'rcnt signals to their (^ommodore — at 
the same linn> we iired some signal guns fn>n\ the fort to 
our sup)u)seil fritMuls, which was returned by tiring some 
guns to Leeward and hoisting English colors. We soon 
observed the rebel ileet to be in great confusion. At dusk 
they fired one 18-Pr. which was the last they tired — at 
which time they kilkul a (\Mporal of the S'Jd Regt. Thus 
ended the exploits of this day, with the liebcls all in sur- 
prise not knowing which way their course to steer. 

Sat. 14. This nnn-n to our great s;itisfaction we found 
what we expected from the night before. Rut the morn- 
ing being entirely eahn (Uir ship{)ing could not get under 
weigh till about nine o'chn'k, when they threw the Rebels 
in not lung but a rapid t'onfusion. Tlu' (n>nl. detai'hetl par- 
leys to their dilVerent j)Osts and found them all evacuated. 
A party was also sent to Matthew's (^ove, which [)arty was 
joined by the Artiticers, covereil by two 3-Prs. to endeavor 
to stop them from carrying their cannon away, and if possi- 
ble to catch some prisoners, but they having too much tlu^ 
start of us, we was disappt)intcd and couUl oidy stop one 
rebel; which was effected i)y one of the carpenters named 


Stanford, as he was attempting to make his escape thro' a 
corn-field. By this time the Rebel fleet was all in readi- 
ness to make their last attempt some way or other, as to 
fighting we thought it was not their intention, for they left 
the soldier part, or forgot it, when they came from Yankee 
town. About noon they got to be all in a line, and soon 
after he was the best fellow who could run and sail the 
fastest, for Sir George Collier and his fleet came so fast on 
them, that some ran on shore, some taken, burnt, or blown 
up, so that none got liberty to go back to carry the news 
to Yankee town, except what poor creatures can travel 
through a most miserable, fatiguing, and almost starved 
country, and most lost all expectation of driving us from 
Maj. In the afternoon we fired a royal salute from the 
fort, and by accident of a gun hanging fire, one of the 
Artillery had his right arm broke, and his thumb blown off. 

Now the Siege is raised, our fears are ended, we will re- 
turn thanks to God that he has delivered us from outrage- 
ous men, and Rebels, such that was commanded by Gen- 
eral Lovell. 

[The spelling of the foregoing journal has been cor- 
rected in a few places, but otherwise, in style and gram- 
mar, this is a correct copy of the original. Lawrence was 
an Orderly Sergeant of the Royal Artillery. He with 
another soldier of that corps was sent across from Boston 
to Cambridge, on the evening before the march to Lexing- 
ton, to instruct the Infantry how to throw hand-grenades 
— was on the Common Avhen the first gun was fired — after- 
wards fought and was wounded at Breed's Hill. He was 
in Castine during the whole of the Siege, and at the con- 
clusion of peace was honorably discharged. I[e afterwards 
settled in Bucksport, where he died not very many years 
ago, at an advanced age.] 

Extracts from Sergeant Laivrence'' s Orderly Book — 1779. 

[Substantially correct, but not verbatim.'] 

[The first entry occurs July 11th, 1779, and is an order 
to parade.] 

1779. July 20. Small change is so scarce that dollars 
are cut into five pieces, by command of the General, each 


part to pass for one shilling. Soldiers are forbidden to 
take up any potatoes belonging to the inhabitants, niider 
pain of severe punishment. 

July 28th. Soldiers are forbidden to leave the fort, 
without permission. Marauding is forbidden, and also 
smoking within the fort. 

August 5. Strict injunctions against soldiers leaving 
the fort without. permission, for the purpose of shooting at 
the enemy — as had been done. 

August 11. None of the inhabitants allowed within 
the fort, except those employed in His Majesty's service, 
viz : Mr. Nathan Phillips ; Mr. Cunningham, family and 
driver; Mr. Dyce and family; and Mr. Finley McCul- 

August 18. The General thanks the officers and 
soldiers for their spirited conduct while the enemy were in 
the wood. Hereafter nothing is to be taken from any of 
the inhabitants, without payment. 

August 19. Soldiers are forbidden to set fire to the 
houses of the inhabitants, without the General's orders. 

August 21. Lieutenant Wilson is ordered to send a 
man from the Artillery, with a Gin, for weighing the 
guns of those ships that were burned. 

August 29. Parties of Rebels reported to be lurking in 
the woods, and officers recommended to be careful about 
going into them. 

August 30. A detachment sent up the river for lumber, 
with two days' provisions. 

September 25. All Rebel firelocks are ordered to be 
brought in by the inhabitants, and the sum of three dol- 
lars each to be paid for them. 

November 14. Owing to fraudulent practices, the cut 
pieces of dollars are to be called in. Doctor Calef is 
appointed as Overseer and Commissary of the inhabitants. 
Mr. MacZachlar is to be Barrack Master, and to act as 
Quarter Master General. General McLean is preparing 
to leave, and Colonel Campbell has taken the command. 

November 16. The inhabitants are not allowed to 
leave the peninsula, without a written pass from Doctor 

November 22. All the inhabitants drawing provisions 
from the King's stores are allowed till the twenty-ninth 
inst. to make their dwellings comfortable and convenient. 
On that day all (who are tit) are to be employed on the 


King's works, at reasonable wages, and those who refuse 
are to have their names struck from the list of those who 
draw provisions. 

December 5. The inhabitants having neglected to 
comply with the order of the fifth inst., none are to receive 
provisions except those who produce a certificate from 
the chief Engineer or from Doctor Calef. Mr. Archibald, 
Nathan Phillips and David Cunningham, being considered 
as always engaged, do not need certificates. 

December 24. The inhabitants are forbiden to sell 
liquor to any one. 

1780. Jan. 2. Soldiers are restricted to two-thirds 
an allowance of Rum and Butter. 

January 27. All strangers intending to stay over night 
are ordered to report to Doctor Calef. No persons are 
allowed to go on or off the peninsula after sunset without 
permission from Doctor Calef. All persons not reporting 
to Doctor Calef are to be fined or corporally punished. 
This order to be publicly posted and copies of it sent to 
the neighboring towns. No person known to be disaffected 
is to be allowed to dwell on the peninsula. All the inhab- 
itants are to be armed and accoutred and ready for action 
at a moments notice. The inhabitants are also to be mus- 
tered and inspected once each week by their Overseer. 

[The rest of the Orderly Book is filled with countersigns, 
paroles, &c., &c. — The last date in the book is Feb. 28, 


William Hutchings'' Narrative of the Siege, and other remi- 

[The following account was narrated to Mr. Joseph L. 
Stevens, Jr., in August, 1855, by Mr. William Hutchings of 

The British landed in front of Joseph L. Perkins' house, 
June 17, 1779, which stood on what is now the south east- 
ern corner of Main and Water streets. They seemed as 
frightened as a flock of sheep, and kept looking around 
them as if they expected to be fired on by an enemy hid 
behind the trees. This day they did not stop,but returned 
to their vessels. The next day they came on shore, and 


encamped on the open land east of where the fort now 
stands. They immediately began to fortify the place. In 
a short time the American expedition came, and orders 
were sent out for the inhabitants to come in and work. I 
helped to haul the first log into the south bastion. It was 
on the Sunday before the Americans arrived, and was the 
only Sunday on which I had to work in my life. The 
peninsula was then covered with a heavy growth of trees. 
When the fort was built it was mostly spruce, and the 
trees were rather small, but farther to the westward there 
was a good deal of maple, beech, birch, etc. 

General Lovell built his works mostly of logs and brush. 
He had to cut away a great many trees to make a passage 
for his cannon balls to the fort. General McLean expected 
to be taken, and when his troops were driven back into 
the fort, the morning the American troops landed — July 
28, 1779 — he stood with the pennant halliards in his own 
hands all ready to strike the colors himself. He said he 
had been in nineteen battles without getting beaten, but 
he expected he should be beaten in the twentieth one. 
The walls of the fort were so low at that time that I heard 
a soldier say he could jump over with a musket in each 
hand. McLean considered that every day the Americans 
delayed the attack was as good to hira as another thousand 
men. My father was among the patriots who joined the 
Americans. He was stationed part of the time at Hainey's 
point, and always thought he killed an English soldier 
there. A party of English came to drive the Americans 
away, and most of them speedily retreated ; but my father 
and a few others stopped to give them a parting shot, 
when the boat should come in good range. One of the 
guard afterward said to him at Mrs. Hainey's house that 
when my father fired he saw a soldier in one of the boats 
fall, and heard him cry out. Mrs. Hainey was along and 
she subsequently reported this at head quarters, and we 
supposed it the reason of our family being driven away. 
I worked on the battery at Wescott's, in all, eight days. 

We kept up a hot fire on the sliips, and drove the men 
ashore and below. There were three frigates — the Albany^ 
North, and Nautihis. We could hear our shot go — thud — 
into them. We cut away an anchor hanging at tlie bows 
of one of them. I marked where it fell, as I thought some- 


time or otlier I might want to get it up. When the siege 
was raised the guns were carried across to Matthews' point 
to be put on board the transports. In the hurry of getting 
them on board a brass four-pounder was lost overboard. 
One night the Americans undertook to surprise the Enghsh 
but they fell in with the British guard at Banks's battery, 
and had a sharp fight. Quite a number were killed on both 
sides. I afterwards saw, up by the narrows, some bloody 
uniforms, tied up in a blanket, that had been stripped from 
the English soldiers killed that night. Major Sawyer was 
killed, or drowned, in aboat that Avas sunk by a cannon 
ball fired from the fort, while it was passing from the fleet to 
to Nautilus Island. A cannon shot from the battery on Nau- 
tilus Island came in the fort gate and passing between Gen- 
eral McLean and one of his officers, killed an ox belonging 
to my father — which he had raised himself. Hatch's barn was 
used as a hospital. I was there after the siege was raised, 
and the floor was then covered with beds so thick that 
there was scarcely room to pass between them. The poor 
fellows groaned a good deal when the doctors dressed their 
wounds. I believe most of those who died there were 
buried on the lower side of the road. Being so young I 
was allowed to go off and on the peninsula, but the soldiers 
sometimes used to call me "a damned little rebel." It was 
reported that there was to be a combined attack on the 
fort and frigates, at a set time, by the Americans. I went 
with a number of others to the high land in Brooksville, 
opposite Negro Island, but it did not take place. At that, 
or another time, I recollect seeing some of the American 
fleet drop in behind Nautilus Island and fire across the bar 
at the English ships. Their last shot ploughed up the dry 
sod near Hatch's house, and set considerable of it on fire. 
A drummer was killed, the night of the skirmish, at the 
battery near Banks' house, and, for a good many years 
after, people used to say that they could hear Ms ghost 
drumming there at midnight. I saw both Lovell and Wads- 
worth. I did not like the appearance of Lovell very well, 
but Wadsworth was a beautiful man. There was no canal 
duCT across the neck at that time. 

A good many years ago, I used to know a man named 
Conolly, who told me that he once found near the second 
Narrows, on or near the shore, a kind of chest p;retty much 


covered over with moss or grass, as if it had been exposed 
to the weather many years. On opening it he found 
French goods, such as handkerchiefs, etc. As long ago as 
I can remember there was what was called the " Old 
French Fort," down by the shore below Banks's house. 
There were a great many spruce poles around it and posts 
in the shore, when I was a boy. There used to be a con- 
siderable growth of oak there. I do not remember ever 
hearing that there were in old times any Mills about here 
belonging to Frenchmen — what used to be called the 
•' Winslow" farm, at the head of Northern Bay, was a great 
while ago called " Frenchman's" farm, and the pond at 
the head of a stream that runs through it, was called 
" Frenchman's" pond, when I was a boy, and there was an 
old cellar there they used to call the old Frenchman's 
celLar. It may be all gone now. If not, you will tind it 
between Perkins' store and the shore. 

Sutchings'' Narrative to Joseph Williamson, Esq., in Feh- 
riiary, 1860. 


In Wescott's battery there were three guns, one 12-lb., 
one 6-lb., and one 3-lb. brass field piece, which was lost over- 
board off Stover Perkins' point, when the Americans were 
trying to carry it off. It lays there now, I suppose — a lit- 
tle way from the shore. The transport must have come 
as nigh as she could. It probably slipped out of the 

I saw as many as 50 or 60 cannon the English got from 
the fleet up the river. They all lay at high water mark 
on the shore, loaded, and were fired off, to see if they 
were cracked, or anything the matter with them. 

Doctor Calf [Calef] l)uilt the old Mann house about a 
year before the British came. He was a Tory refugee. 

We shot an anchor from Wescott's battery off the 
Santillana [St. Helena] near Hatch's Point. Three or 
four ships lay along there. I saw it at low tide, and suj)- 
pose 1 might have got it, if I had had spunk enough. 

The old wreck on the shore down below Hatch's was 
the Providtnee* The St. Helena was a letter-of-marque, 

*This is corroborated l)y a lotti-r from J. Snellin^^ Esq., of Halifax, Ic tliu 
wife of Col. (ioldtlnvaite, at Bafrnduco. Tliis letter was dated Dec. IT, 1779, 
and eoniuiimicates tlic inforinatiuii that the St. IlclcnK had recently ijeen east 
away, with j,'reat hjss of life, at some plaee, tlu' name of w liieh we cannot 
deciijlier from the nianuscri])t, hut which cei'tainly was not I'enobscot or 
Bagaduee. The word looks like " Salu — inj;.'' 



of fourteen guns. She was not in the regular service. 
The Providence was an old transport, that troops came 
over in. She fell over there, I believe, and stove her side 

The Albany carried sixteen guns, the Nautilus twenty- 
two, and the North twenty-eight. She was an old French 
ship, and was not good for much of anything. Her guns 
were light-mounted. 

Nautilus Island Avas named after the Nautilus, and I 
suppose I saw the caper that was the occasion of it. The 
Hazard and other vessels, ran in behind the island, and 
fired across the bar, and raked the ships that lay across 
the mouth of the harbor. They cut or slipped their 
cables, and dropped up further. Nautilus Island used to 
be called Banks' Island ; was called Nautilus Island after 

The guard at Hainey's Point all ran off but live, who 
fired and killed one man — the first who was killed. My 
father is said to have done it on the second shot, and the 
Tories (the commanding officer didn't say it) said he 
would be hung. Mrs. Hainey told of it, and ray mother 
was so frightened we had to move away. Ah ! hard and 
trying times those were ! 

. The Santillana was a very nice ship. The old Provi- 
dence was an old vessel. She fell over and stove her 
broadside in. She was one of the British fleet. They 
hauled the transports ashore, when the Americans came. 
Otter Rock was named for the ship Otter, which went on 
the rock close by, at the eastward of it, going out, I think. 

I went aboard the Nautilus. I was a boy. One of my 
countrymen took me down below, and fed me pretty well, 
then told me he was a pressed man. He had tried to run 
away, and got flogged for it. I saw two men flogged on 
the Albany. They can say what they please, when tied 
up, and one man told the officer he should run away again 
every chance. An English soldier joined us on the Kenne- 
bec, and then ran into the country. He was brought 
back and court martialed, and sentenced to 200 lashes. 
The blood ran down and filled his shoes. When he had 
received 100, they had to take him down. About that 
ship Providence, you needn't be afeared to assert it as 
truth, because I know all about it. * * * Xhe frigate 
Blande was one of the convoy that came with McLean.^ 
She did not come in, but lav outside of the harbor. I 


used to go on board, to sell milk, &c. She was a beautiful 
ship — was not here at the time of the siege, had gone 
away. The Albany was commanded by an American. 
Mowatt was a Portland man. 

I remember when Pomroy was cut out by Little. He 
chased Pomroy about, but couldn't bring him to an engage- 
ment. Little said he would have him, if he followed him 
to h — 11. Pomroy had taken a coasting vessel which Lit- 
tle retook. Little got a whale-boat at Fox Islands, which 
he left with some men, below Nautilus Island, to make 
his escape in, if necessary. Pomroy had a 14-gun Brig; 
Little had a 12-gun Sloop. He came in on the top of the 
tide, just at the close of the day — before dark. When the 
sentry hailed him, he replied that he was a prize from Fox 
Island. "Who commands her?" "Peter Littlejohn." 
He ran alongside of the brig, and told them to heave him 
a warp, as he had lost both anchors in Fox Island thorough- 
fare. He had his men all ready, and jumped aboard with 
them, and took her. The sloop kept right on, and stood 
out of the harbor, but the brig had to make a couple of 
tacks. The people collected to look on, and Captain Lit- 
tle afterwards said he might have swept the streets as he 
went by. He was fired on from the fort, and men ran 
down to the old French fort and fired. Commissary Mc- 
Laughlin told a man (I heard him) that he delivered out 
1700 rounds. It was said that Little picked up bullets by 
the bucketful from his deck, where they fell, after striking 
among the sails and rigging. A shot from the sloop, or 
brig, when going out of the harbor, struck a crowbar, and 
drove it through a hogshead of rum that stood in the 
King's store, about ten rods below the Fort gate. William 
Redhead told me that shot cost him one hogshead of rum. 
He was a sort of deputy Commissary, and came over with 
the British. He married old Banks' daughter. Pomroy 
was a Tory. He and most of his crew were ashore. 
Next day the British officers laughed at him. They 
thought very much of Little. 

When the British came I was at Fox Islands, with my 
uncle — where we went fishing in an open boat. We had 
news of their coming, and when the fleet came in sight, 
uncle said, " there comes the devils." We started for 
home, and when the fleet followed us up we knew it was 


them. We reached Castine when they were firing guns 
for pilots. Nine of the vessels came in. They anchored 
off Dice's Head, I should think by eleven o'clock. Their 
boats came ashore down at the beach, below Johnson's 
corner. I was there when they landed. As many as twenty 
officers came ashore. They looked all around as if they 
were considerably frightened. They didn't do much that 
day. I went home that night. Can't say if troops came 
next day or day after. When I went down they were 
camped in tents on the ridge to northeast of where the 
fort is. 

When Little came, I had come back from the Kennebec, 
(a year before father) and worked about here with the 
neighbors. I was then at old I\Ir. Samuel Wescott's. I 
had gone up to go to bed, and was leaning on a chest by 
the window. I heard a great firing of guns, and couldn't 
think what it all meant. Wescott was on the peninsula, 
and when he came home he told us all about it. I went 
down next day and saw Pomroy, who looked as if he had 
been stealing sheep, and had lost all the friends he had in 
the world. General McLean was an excellent officer. He 
was very angry because the Tories drove off so many of the 
Americans by saying that the English were going to hang 
them. The old General didn't go about much, but the other 
officers used to. They went to Orland, to see Old Vyles' 
daughters. ***** 

As soon as the boats went off, the guard ran off. We 
thought they would come in above and cut us off. My father 
came near shooting one of our men who had run off. He 
was in the bushes, and started up. Father saw him and 
brought his gun to fire on him. He had a fur cap on, and 
father saw a mark on the back of it. 


Letter from David Perliam^ giving Colonel Breiver^s account 
of the Expeditio7i against Penobscot^ in 1779. 

[From Bangor Whig and Courier, of August 13, 1846.] 

" Early in the month of June 1779, General Francis 
McLean, who commanded the King's troops in Nova Scotia, 
entered Penobscot Bay, with 650 men in transports, es- 
corted by three sloops, and took possession of the Peninsu- 


la (now called Castine) formed by the waters of Penob- 
scot Bay, and the Majabagaduce River, which struck the 
inhabitants with terror — especially the women and chil- 
dren. At this time provisions Avere very scarce, and the 
inhabitants almost destitute of arms and ammunition. A 
meeting was called of the principal officers, to determine 
on defence, or submission ; at which it was concluded to 
send a committee to treat with the General ; and myself 
[Colonel Brewer] and Captain Smith of Marsh Bay, were 
chosen. We proceeded on our mission, and obtained as- 
surance that, if the inhabitants would mind their business, 
and be peaceable, they should not be disturbed in person 
or property; but afterwards they were called upon to take 
the Oath of Allegiance, or of Neutrality. Nothing further 
occurs to my mind worthy of relating, till a few days before 
the American Fleet arrived in the Bay, when Captain 
Smith and myself were again called upon by the people to 
wait upon General McLean to transact certain business, 
which we accomplished to our satisfaction, and obtained 
our pass to return home. I then had a full view of their 
works. About four o'clock P. m., I observed a very rapid 
movement of the troops, and told Captain Smith it was time 
for us to be off. We proceeded immediately to our boat, 
and had just gotten from the shore, v/hen the Grand Rounds 
went for no one to leave the Peninsula. We continued our 
course, with a small breeze, up the Penobscot River, when 
casting our eyes down the Bay we discovered a large fleet 
of shipping standing up, and knew pretty well what it 
must be, for myself and others had kept a birch canoe 
passing every few days from my house to Camden, for 
information. We stood up the river about six miles, where 
we staid all night ; but got little sleep for joy at what we 
had seen, and what we expected would take place. Next 
morning, July 26th, we Avcnt down in our boat about three 
miles, to make further discovery of the fleet ; but the fog 
being so thick we could not see it. We then stood up the 
river to old Fort Point, there landed and went back about 
half a mile, when the fog cleared away, and we liad a full 
view of the fleet, which had just got under weigh, standing 
up with a small breeze, in line of battle, — as they passed 
they discharged their guns at the British shipping, then 
lying in the river. This drew our attention for sometime, 
but casting my eyes westward, I discovered, under the 
bank, a number of whale boats full of armed men, and I 


told Captain Smith it was no place for us- We started for 
our boat, which we had regained, and were getting up 
our sails, when the boats came up with us and ordered us 
to stand ; and who should it be but my brother (Colonel 
Josiah Brewer) who was sent with a detachment of sol- 
diers as an advance guard to be stationed at Buckstown, to 
stop communication. He ordered us to get under weigh 
as soon as possible, came on board with one or two of his 
men, and we arrived at Buckstown, about five o'clock P. M. 
Having stationed his guard and taken some refreshments, 
he manned a boat and, taking Captain Smith and myself 
with him, set out to go on board of the fleet, which, on ac- 
count of darkness and fog, we did not reach until after 
sunrise in the morning. We went on board of General 
Lovell's vessel, and being introduced by my brother, were 
very politely received by the General, who, on being in- 
formed that Captain Smith and myself had left the Penin- 
sula about four o'clock, on the 25th, sent immediately for 
Commodore Saltonstall to come on board. When he ar- 
rived, my brother told them whatever information we 
should give, might be relied upon. We were then invited 
into the cabin. I told them at four o'clock — as above 
stated — I reviewed all their works, and was in their Fort. 
That the Northerly side next to the Cove was about four 
feet high, the Easterly and Westerly ends were something 
like a stonewall, laid up sloping ; from the back side to the 
front there was but one sag, and the ground not broken. 
On the backside the ditch was about three feet deep, — the 
ends were sloping according to the height of the wall — not 
a platform laid, nor a gun carriage up to the Fort. I also 
told him a part of the troops were stationed near the upper 
end, on the heath ; but there was no appearance of Artil- 
lery. That there was one six gun battery at Dice's Point, 
(as it is called) and that was all they would have to con- 
tend with on the land. I told him, likewise, there was a 
small battery begun on Cape Kozier. There was Captain 
Moat's [Mowatt's] ship mounting twenty guns, and one 
other mounting ten, which I thought lay nearly opposite 
the Fort. General Lovell seemed much pleased with the in- 
formation. I then told the Commodore that being all the 
force he would have to meet, I thought that as the wind 
breezed up he might go in with his shipping, silence the 
two vessels and the six-gun battery, and. land the troops 
under cover of his own guns, and in half an hour make 


everytliing his own. In reply to which he hove up his long 
chin, and said, " You seem to be d — n knowing about the 
matter ! I am not going to risk my shipping in that d — d 
hole !" 

Captain Smith and myself returned home, having re- 
ceived orders from my brother, then my colonel, to return 
immediately with half of my company — I being then a 
captain. This order I obeyed ; but m}' family not then 
being in a situation to leave, ray men were put under the 
command of another captain, and I returned home for one 
week, when I again repaired to my post. Next morning 
we discovered a party of the British going down from the 
head of the Point, and supposing it to be their intention 
to come on the rear of us, I marched out my company 
to attack them ; but we soon perceived their object to be 
fishing, which a few shot defeated, and they hurried back 
again. Nothing important appearing to be going on, I 
again returned home ; and the next information I had was 
from my brother, who came up in a boat, double-manned, 
said he did not think anything would be done, and was 
unwilling to leave his wife and effects. He staid about 
two hours, when he took his wife and best furniture, and 
returned down the river. His wife was landed at Cam- 
den, and his furniture was put on board the General's 
ship, which I afterwards saw on Captain Moat's ship. 

The next information was received from Doctor Down- 
ing, Chief Surgeon of the army, with whom I had formerly 
been acquainted. He arrived at my house on the morning 
of the fourteenth of August, with the sick and Avounded 
Americans, and said the siege was raised, and the fleet 
and army of the Americans, between 3000 and 4000, were 
on their way up the river, followed by Sir George Collier, 
with the British fleet. The Doctor stopped, dressed the 
wounded, got some refreshments, and enquired wdiere 
would be the best place of safety for the men under his 
care. I directed him to Major Treat's, about two miles 
above navigation, where he landed and left them, under 
the care of Doctor Herberd, leaving with him his medicine 
chest. Before night, such of the shipping as were not 
taken or destroyed below, appeared, which were blown up 
and burnt the next morning, and the troops took their 
flight into the woods. 

The next day I was again requested by the inhabitants 
to wait on General McLean to know our fate, which I did 


ill company with Captain Ginn. We accordingly proceeded 
on that duty. At the Narrows, where the ship Blande lay 
at anchor, we were hailed and went on board. The Cap- 
tain being informed what our business was, gave us a pass, 
and we proceeded to the Peninsula. When I called on the 
General he received me very politely, and said, ' Mr. Brewer, 
you have come to see me again, what is the news up the 
river? and where are the rebels? have they dispersed?' I 
told him they had. He replied : ' I believe the commanders 
were a pack of cowards or they would have taken me. I 
was ill no situation to defend myself, I only meant to give 
them one or two guns, so as not to be called a coward, 
and then have struck my colors, which I stood for some 
time to do, as I did not wish to throw away the lives of my 
men for nothing.' He then said : ' What is your request ?' 
I told him that the inhabitants were in distress, waiting to 
know his determination. If it be favorable, they will stay 
at home ; if not, they will quit their houses and take to the 
wood, which some have already done. To which he made 
answer : ' Go home and tell them if they will stay in their 
houses and live peaceably and mind their business, they 
shall not be hurt ; but if not, all the houses that are left 
shall be burnt.' My next request Avas to know what 
should be done with the sick and wounded men who had 
been left. He asked: — ' What is your wish ? ' I replied 
that they might be conveyed to their friends, as soon as 
convenient. To which he said : ' Go up and get a vessel, 
if you can ; if not, I will provide one.' I told him I had 
one in view that I could get. ' Then get it,' he said ; 'fit 
her out in good order, and take all the sick and wounded 
on board ; come down with them, and return me a list of 
their names, and I will give you a pass, or a cartel, to 
deliver them where it will be most convenient for the 
men.' I told him there would be some stores wanted, that 
could not be procured up the river. He replied : ' Get 
what you can, and make out a memorandum of what you 
want more, and I will supply you here.' I then returned 
home, and on the way chartered a schooner, shipped a 
master and hands, and the next day she came up the 
river, and went to Bangor, there to be fitted up with plat- 
forms and bunks convenient for the purpose. In a few 
days Captain Moat came up the river, and anchored his 
ship oft' my cove. At night when I came down I was 
hailed, gave my name and told them I lived abreast his 


ship — which was communicated to Captain Moat. He re- 
turned, — that he wished me to call on him in the morning ; 
which I did, and informed him what my orders were, from 
the General, in relation to the sick and wounded. He 
wished me to accomplish the business as soon as I could. 
He frequently called me on board when I was passing, and 
enquired af fer the sick and wounded, and often invited me 
into his cabin to take a glass of wine or brandy. This 
friendship subsisted till the schooner was completed, when 
he went up to see the same previous to her sailing. When 
in readiness I informed him the schooner would be down 
in the evening, and in the following morning he gave me a 
pass to General McLean. 

On my way, at Marsh Bay, I heard of Captain George 
Ross and his cabin boy, and sent tlie boat on shore with 
Doctor Herberd, to bring off Captain Ross. He had com- 
manded one of the 20-gun ships, and was wounded the 
day he landed. He and the boy were brought on board, 
and I entered his name, George Ross, on my list, likewise 
the brig's name, and proceeded down to the General's 
quarters, and presented him with my list, which he appeared 
to be very much pleased with. I made out a memoran- 
dum of what was wanted, which, by his order, was fur- 
nished and put on board. He then gave a pass for the 
schooner, as a cartel, to proceed to Boston, or other places 
where it would be most convenient for the men ; and I then 
returned home late at night, much fatigued with the tour. 
Before I got home, Ichabod Colson, then of Marsh Bay, 
went up and informed Captain Moat that I had sent my 
boat on shore, and taken off Captain Ross and his cabin 
boy. Early in the morning after my return. Moat sent 
his boat on shore, with a message for me to go on board 
his shi]). I sent in reply that I was much fatigued, 
having been out most of the night, but that I would call 
on board in the afternoon. When I had gotten ready to 
go, I saw him land on the opposite point of land below my 
house ; and I took my canoe and passed over to him. He 
saw me coming and walked towards me ; we met at a lit- 
tle distance from the sliore, and were together about a 
tjuarter of an hour, and our meeting was not very cordial. 
Tlie first compliment I received was : 'you damned rebel, I 
understand that you stopped at Marsh Bay, and took on 
board Captain Ross, one of the finest officers there was in 


the Navy. I meant to have kept him and had two of my 
captains for him, he was such a fine fellow. Did you re- 
turn him as a Captain ?' ' No ! I returned him as George 
Ross.' Making use of the same opprobrious language, he 
added, 'Did you not know that I had not given you orders 
to take any man on board?' I answered, 'yes.' Then 
said he, with his sword flourishing over my head, ' how 
dare you do it ?' ' Because,' said I, 'I received my orders 
another way.' ' Which way?' said he. I answered: 'from 
General McLean, your Master.' It may well be supposed, 
from my answer, that I was somewhat agitated. He 
stepped back, and drawing his sword out of its scabbard, 
said : ' You d — d rebel I I have a good mind to run you 
through.' I opened my breast and told him : ' there is 
your mark, do it if you dare ! I am in your power.' He 
turned on his heel and stepped back a little, then turned 
and advanced, flourishing his sword with more passion 
than could be well expressed, said, ' before sunrise to-mor- 
row morning, your buildings shall be laid in ashes.' I told 
him it was in his power to do it, but I asked him what he 
thought I should be doing in the meantime. Upon which 
he turned on his heel again and marched off to his boat, 
and I to mine. I came home and told Mrs. Brewer, what 
had passed, so that she might not be surprised if he pro- 
ceeded to put his threat in execution — though I did not 
believe he would. I always kept a good musket well 
loaded, and intended to do what lay in my power to defend 
myself. However, we did not have so good a night's rest 
as usual ; but nothing further occurred, worthy of remark, 
till the next day about four o'clock p. m., — at Avhich time 
I saw Captain Moat come on shore at my landing. I told 
Mrs. Brewer of it, and it put her in a panic. He walked 
along very moderately, till he got nearly up with ray door, 
when I stepped out and met him. He very politely asked 
me how I and my family did ; I invited him to walk in, 
which he readily did ; and Mrs. Brewer was introduced to 
him, which took off most of her panic. He took a seat 
and opened most of the conversation by stating how much 
he regretted the situation of the inhabitants, and felt for 
their distress ; and went into a very social conversation for 
two or three hours, and took coffee with us. He inquired 
into the situation of my family — how many children we had, 
and whether it would not be very difficult for me to sup- 
jDort them without assistance. I told him I should try. 


He then said : ' If you think you cannot, I will supply you 
with such things as you want for your family, to the 
amount of £1000 sterling, at the first cost at Halifax. If 
you make out a memorandum, I will send by the first ves- 
sel for them.' I thanked him for his good will, and we 

At all other times than the one above stated, both before 
and after, he appeared very friendly. Soon after his first 
arrival he called all hands on deck and, in mj^ presence, 
told them if they took one thing out of my garden, or field, 
they should be punished ; and they strictly adhered to his 
orders during their whole stay. I supplied him with milk, 
garden vegetation, and pigeons, for his cabin — which he 
generously paid me for in money. Before he left this 
place he agreed with me for 1200, to take down my 
brother's house, which was nearly as much as the building 
was worth. In the situation of things, I considered the 
house of very little value to my brother, especially as the 
enemy claimed the right of doing as they saw fit — and so 
indeed they did with all others — and that it is as well to 
save something as to have the whole lost. Pie was to send 
up a vessel to carry the materials of which the liouse was 
composed, to the Fort. But soon after he left, some per- 
son, in the night, took out all the windows and concealed 
them. Upon which I had to report what had taken place 
to General McLean — for that being the orders in all cases 
where there was a contract. I accordingly went down to 
the Fort and called upon the General, and was very civilly 
received. He said : ' Well, Mr. Brewer, you have called 
on me again. What is the news ? and what is your re- 
quest?' ' It is to report to you that I agreed with Captain 
Moat to take down a house for him, which he was to send 
a vessel for. But on a certain night, some persons un- 
known to me, took out all the windows, and have carried 
them off.' To which he replied : ' Well, man, you must 
get them again.' I told him I could not, for I knew not 
where they were nor whom to suspect. He answered : 

* Then man, you must stay here till you produce them.' I 
told him that would be impossible for me to do without 
having liberty to search for them. To which he replied, 

* well, man, I guess you know as well where they are as 
anybody ! I will give you a week, or fortnight, to go home 
and get them, and if you don't bring them here witliin that 
time, I will put you under confinement.' I thanked him 


for his lenity, bid him good bye, and went directly home ; 
but instead of making search for those windows, I hid my 
own, together with ray other things, and packed up my beds 
and clothing — that I pretended to take with me — and made 
the best of my way out of his control. 

Major George Ulmer, then having a command at Cam- 
den, was up the river, at my house, with a large boat and 
a party of soldiers, getting what remained from the 
destruction of the vessels, &c. He offered his services to 
take my family with him to Camden, which then consisted 
of nine beside myself, which he, with my small effects, 
safely landed at Camden. I collected about half of my 
stock of cattle, — one yoke of oxen, three cows, and my 
horse, — joined stock with Mr. John Crosby and others, 
making about thirty head in the whole, and laid our course 
through the woods, as direct as possible, for Camden, 
where we arrived in three or four days. Thence I took my 
family to the westward of Boston — where we remained till 
peace was restored, when I again returned with my family 
to my former residence in Penobscot." 
I am, sir, with respect. 

Your obedient servant, 
To WiUiam D. Williamson, Esq. 

[The foregoing account was contained in a letter from 
Colonel Brewer to David Perham, and was found among 
the papers of the latter at his decease.] 


Account of a Skirmish at Biguyduce^ July 28, 1779, By 
Lieutenant (afterwards Sir John) Moore. [From British 
Plutarch page 243.] 

"On the 28th, after a sharp cannonade from the ship- 
ping on the wood, to the great surprise of General McLean 
and the garrison, the Americans effected a landing. I 
happened to be on piquet that morning, under the com- 
mand of a Captain of the 74th Regiment, who, after giving 
them one fire, instead of encouraging his men — who 


naturally had been a little startled by the cannonade — to 
do their duty, ordered them to retreat, leaving me and 
about twenty men to shift for ourselves. 

After standing for some time I was obliged to retreat to 
the Fort, having five or six of my men killed and several 
wounded. I was lucky to escape untouched." 


MacZachlar's Order. 
Fort George's, Penobscot, Ocf. 1780. 

For His Majesty's Service : 

You are hereby Ordered and Directed to Bring down to 
this Place all the Cord Wood that you can find upon the 
Shores of Northern Bay, Majebagwaduce River, belonging 
to Sparks Perkins, Charles Hutchings, Jack* Perkins, 
Daniel Perkins, and such oth'' Inhabitants as have left 
their Possessions and Gone to Enemy's Country by Com- 
mandant's Orders. 

For Jeremiah Wardwell and ) pe- ^-i 
Thomas Cutter, Inhabitants, j 

Northern Bay, Majabagwaduce River. 

P. W. MacZachler, Asst. Dpt. 
Q^ M^ General. 

[The original order is in the possession of Mr. Hosea 
Wardwell, of Penobscot.] 

♦Probably a mistake for Jacob, as Jack is the synonym for John, and Mr. 
John Perkins is not known to have had any lot at the Head of the Bay, while 
Jacob Perkins resided there at that time. 







Confirming a grant of land to David Marsh and others 
co7iditionally . 

November 17, 1786. 

The committee on the subject of unappropriated lands 
in the county of Lincohi, when they made their report on 
the 17th of March, 1785, on the petition of Enoch Bartlett 
and others, praying for the confirmation of six townships 
lying between Penobscot river, and the Union river, which 
were conditionally granted to David Marsh and others, on 
the second day of March, 1762, omitted to report respect- 
ing the township No. 3, commonly called Majabigwaduce, 
for reasons therein set forth ; but having since examined 
into the state of the said township, so far as circumstances 
would permit, now take leave to report, 

That in their opinion, it will be expedient to confirm to 
the said Marsh and others, the said township No. 3, on the 
conditions contained in the following articles: 

1st. That the proprietors heretofore known, as proprie- 
tors of the said township, or as holding under David Marsh 
and others, do grant, allot, and mete out one hundred acres 
of land unto each settler on the said township, his heirs or 
assigns who before the first day of January 1784, settled 
thereon, and made separate improvement, the same to be 
laid out in one lot, in such manner as best to include his 
improvements. And where any original settler has sold, 
or otherwise disposed of his improvements to any other 
person, the purchaser or his heirs and assigns shall hold 
the same lands, which such original settler would have 
held, by virtue of this article, if there had been no such 
sale or disposition. 


2nd. That in lite manner there be allotted and meted 
out unto each proprietor, his heirs or assigns, Avho, before 
the first day of January, 1784 settled thereon, and made a 
sei^arate improvement, two hundred acres of land, one 
hundred acres of which to be in consideration of his being- 
a settler ; the same to be laid out in such manner as best to 
include his improvements. 

3d. That in the said township there be allotted, reserv- 
ed and appropriated four lots of land of three hundred 
acres each, in situation and qualit}^ equal in general to the 
lots in the division, for the following purposes, viz. One 
lot for the first settled minister, his heirs and assigns ; one 
for the use of the ministry ; one to and for the future appro- 
priation of government ; and one for the use of a school 

4th. That each settler mentioned in article 1st, his heirs 
or assigns, who has not already done it, shall within five 
years, build a house, not less than eighteen feet square, 
and seven feet stud; and clear and cultivate five acres of 
land fit for mowing or tillage ; and pay within six months 
into the treasury of the propriety of the said townships, 
thirty sJdllinc/s, to be appropriatecl to defray the expense of 
surveying and dividing the said township, and laying out, 
clearing, and repairing of roads within the same. 

5tli. That where a settler has made improvement, by 
clearing or inclosing with a good fence, more than one 
hundred acres, he shall have the liberty to purchase the 
lands so improved at a reasonable price, estimating the same 
as if in a state of nature ; or to receive of the proprietor 
or proprietors of such land, a reasonable allowance for 
extra improvements at the settler's election ; and in case of 
any disagreement about the said price ; or allowance, or any 
other matter relating to a settlement, that the same be 
decided by disinterested men, one of whom shall be chosen 
by the proprietor or proprietors, one by the settler, and in 
case they cannot agree, the third by the two chosen as 

6th. That after the allotments to the settlers, resident 
proprietors, and for public uses, are made as aforemen- 
tioned, the residue and remainder of the said lands shall be 
divided to, and among the proprietors heretofore known as 
the proprietors of the said township, or as holding under 
David Marsh and others to whom the said township was 
coudiuonaily granted, their heirs or assigns in proportion 


to the respective shares or rights, held in the original 
division of the said town. 

7th. That the division and allotments in the said town- 
ship be made conformably to the foregoing articles, within 
the space of twelve months from this time, and a return 
thereof be made on or before the expiration of the said 
term of time to the committee on the subject of unappro- 
priated lands in the county of Lincoln, specifying and 
describing therein the lots, number of each, names of the 
persons to whom allotted, and those for public uses, under 
their particular heads. And if it shall appear by the said 
return, that a quantity of land exceeding six thousand 
acres, has been allotted, meted and assigned by the said 
proprietors, to that class of settlers included in article 1st 
and by virtue of the same in manner aforesaid, then there 
shall he, granted and conveyed to the said proprietors, their 
heirs and assigns, in some parts of the township No. 7, in 
the first division of townships east of Penobscot river, 
adjoining southerly on the township No. 6 of the same 
division in part and partly on township No. 1, of the second 
division of townships, and lying on both sides of Union 
river, so many acres as shall be equal to the quantity of 
land above six thousand acres which shall be allotted and 
assigned to the settlers as aforesaid. 

8th. If no return be made to the said committee, as 
required in the preceding article, the said committee shall 
appoint, and they are hereby accordingly empowered to 
appoint three disinterested persons as commissioners, to 
report to the said township, to make the division and 
return required, and allot and divide the same conformably 
to the articles 1, 2 and 3, and make return thereof to the 
said committee, and conformably to the seventh article ; 
and the said commissioners shall, six weeks at least, before 
they proceed on the said business, give public notice in 
Adams and Nourse's Independent Chronicle, the Portland 
newspaper, and by a written notification, posted up in 
some convenient place in the said township, of their ap- 
pointment and of the time when they shall proceed on the 
said business, that all persons interested therein may be 
apprised thereof; and the lots the said commissioner shall 
lay out to the resident proprietors and settlers as provided 
for in article first and second shall be confirmed unto them, 
and the remaining lots shall* be subject to the order and 
disposal of the General Court, and the expense arising 


from said appointment of commissioners, shall be defrayed 
by the resident proprietors and settlers of said township, 
provided they have prevented or obstructed the division as 
provided for in articles 2nd, 3d, and 6th ; otherwise, so much 
of the remainder of the lands (after allotments and divisions 
made to the resident proprietors, settlers, and for public 
uses as aforesaid) shall be sold by the said committee, as 
shall be sufficient to defray the said expence. 

9th. That notwithstanding the conditions and regula- 
tions contained in the foregoing articles, if the proprietors 
and settlers of the said township, shall agree among them- 
selves, and settle all matters in dispute, relating to the 
quantities of land respectively to be held and retained by 
them, and such other matters and things as immediately 
respect the settlement of said lands, and make a report 
of the same to the said committee, within six months 
from this time, with the names of the settlers and proprie- 
tors resident and non-resident, the quantity allotted to each, 
and the right reserved for public uses, conformably to 
article 3d, in such case the said committee shall have full 
authority to confirm the said township ; but in case no 
report shall be made asa foresaid to the said committee, nor 
return as in the 7th article is required, the said committee 
shall appoint commissioners, as provided for in the 8th 
article ( twelve months having been expired, as mentioned 
in the said 7th article) who shall proceed on their business 
as pointed out in the said 8th article. 

10th. It shall be understood, notwithstanding anything 
contained in the foregoing articles, that the final confirma- 
tion of the said township, shall not be made until there be 
in the said town, sixty dwelling-houses not less than 
eighteen feet square, and seven feet stud ; sixty protestant 
families, and also five acres of land cleared on each share, 
fit for mowing and tillage ; also a meeting-house for the 
public worship of God; and until the proprietors and set- 
tlers of said township, shall have settled a learned and 
protestant minister, and provided for his comfortable sup- 
port, for which purposes five years shall be allowed. 

NATHANIEL WELLS, ) Committee. 



342 documentary. 

Boston, Nov. 4, 1786. 

Read and accepted, and thereupon Resolved, That, the 
township No. 3, commonly called Majorbigwaduce, condi- 
tionally granted to David Marsh and others, on the second 
of March, 1762, be, and it is hereby confirmed to the said 
Marsh and others, on the conditions and with the reserva- 
tions which in the foregoing report are specified. 

Act of Incorporation of the Town of Penobscot. 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

In the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty- 

An Act for Incorporating a certain plantation in the 
County of Lincoln, called Majorbigwaduce, or Number 
Three, into a town by the name of Penobscot. 

Whereas, the Inhabitants of the said plantation, labor 
under many difficulties and inconveniences for Avant of 
being Incorporated into a town, therefore. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and Honse of Representa- 
tives in General Court assembled, and by the Authority of 
the same, that all the Lands lying within the following 
limits, with the Inhabitants thereon, viz: Beginning at 
Buck's Harbor, so called, on the dividing line between 
Number Three, and Nnmber Four ; and from thence run- 
ning Northeasterly on the westerly line of Number Four, 
Number Five, and Six to the Southerly Corner of Number 
Two; thence westerly on the Southerly line of Number 
'J'wo to Penobscot River ; thence Southerly doAvn the same 
river and Penobscot Bay, to the Southwesternmost part of 
Cape Rozier ; thence Easterly, including Spectacle Island, 
to Buck's Harbor, aforesaid, the place of beginning, 
be and are hereby Incorporated into a town by the name of 
Penobscot, and the said Town is hereby invested witli all 
the powers, privileges, and immunities that the towns of 
this Commonwealth are entitled to according to Law. 

And be it further enacted, that Joseph Hibberd, Esq., 
be, and he hereby is, empowered to issue his warrant to some 
principal inhabitant of said town, to warn the Inhabitants 
thereof to assemble at such time and place in said town, as 
by said warrant shall be appointed, to elect such Town 


Officers as are empowered by Law to be chosen annually 
in the month of March or April, and the said Inhabitants 
being so assembled, shall be, and hereby are empowered to 
choose such Officers accordingly. 

Provided, nevertheless, that nothing in this Act shall in 
any manner affect the right of Soil in the lands aforesaid, 
or discharge the taxes already assessed, or ordered to be 
assessed, in the said plantation, but the said town shall be 
considered as held to pay all such taxes which remained 
due, unpaid, from the said plantation. 

In the House of Representatives, February 22, A. D. 

This bill having had three successive readings passed to 
be Enacted. 

[Signed.] ARTEMAS WARD, Speaker of House. 

In Senate, February 23, A. D. 1787 : This bill having 
had two several readings passed to be Enacted. 

[Signed.] SAMUEL PHH.LIPS, Jr., 

President of Senate. 

By the Governor, Approved. 


A true copy, 

[Signed.] JOHN AVERY, Jr.. Secretary. 


Act of Incorporation of the Toivn of Castine. 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

In the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 

An Act to divide the Town of Penobscot into two dis- 
tinct towns, and to incorporate the southerly part thereof 
into a Town by the name of Castine. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives in General Court assembled, and by authority of the 
same, that the Town of Penobscot in the County of Han- 
cock, be, and hereby is, divided into two separate and dis- 
tinct towns, and that the southerly part thereof, bounded 
as follows, viz: beginning at the northwest corner of An- 
drew Steele's lot of land on Penobscot Bay, or river, so 


called, thence running on said Steele's northerly line till 
it strikes the center line, so called, dividing the lots on 
each side of the neck of land ; thence down said center 
line a southwesterly course till it comes to the dividing line 
between Oliver Parker, Esq., and Peter Mograge; thence 
by said dividing line a southerly course to Moore's Cove, 
so called ; from thence over the waters of Majabiguaduce 
river, so called, including the whole of the Penin&iula, to 
the northerly line of land belonging to John Condon, in 
the Cove opposite the Peninsula; thence running south 
seventy-eight and three-quarters of a degree east, to the 
line dividing Penobscot from Sedgwick; thence south- 
westerly adjoining the Town of Sedgwick, to Buck's Har- 
bor, so called; thence following the course of the Bay 
round Cape Rozier to the northwestern extremity of the 
Peninsula of Penobscot; thence round the Bay called 
Penobscot Bay, or river, to the northwesterly corner of 
Andrew Steele's lot aforesaid ; together with all Islands 
included within said lines ; and the Inhabitants within the 
same be, and they hereby are. Incorporated into a Town by 
the name of Castine, with all the powers, privileges, and 
authority of other towns in this Commonwealth. 

And whereas, the Courts of Common Pleas, and Court of 
General Sessions of the Peace for the County of Hancock, 
have been heretofore holden in that part of the Town of 
Penobscot now hereby incorporated : 

Be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that 
the said Courts shall continue to be holden in said Town of 
Castine; and that the said Town of Castine shall be, and 
hereby is constituted the Shire Town of said County of 
Hancock; and all writs, precepts, and judicial proceedings 
whatever, which are, or may be, returnable to either of the 
Courts aforesaid, shall be accepted, adjudged and considered 
by the said Courts in the said Town of Castine, any law 
to the contrary notwithstanding. 

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, 
that until a new general valuation is taken, the State taxes 
which may be called for from the aforesaid towns, shall be 
levied in the following proportion, viz: three-fifths of the 
whole sum on the Town of Castine, and two-fifths thereof 
on the Town of Penobscot ; and each of the aforesaid 
towns shall be holden to pay such proportion accordingly. 

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, 
that Oliver Parker, Esq., be, and hereby is, authorized and 


directed to issue his warrant to some principal inhabitant 
of the said Town of Castine, requiring him to notify the 
Inhabitants of said town, qualified as the law directs, to 
assemble at the time and place by hira appointed, to elect 
such Town Officers as they are by law empowered to elect 
in the months of March or April annually: — 

Provided, however, that nothing in this Act contained, 
shall be construed as a relinquishment of any Property, 
which eitlier of the towns aforesaid may claim, as belong- 
ing to Township Number Three, before its incorporation. 

In the House of Representatives, February the eighth, 
one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six. This bill hav- 
ing had three several readings passed to be enacted. 

[Signed] EDWIN H. ROBBINS, Speaker. 

In Senate, February the eighth, one thousand seven hun- 
dred and ninety-six. This bill having had two several 
readings passed to be enacted. 

[Signed] THOMAS DAWES, President pro. tern. 

By the Governor, Approved February the thirteenth, 
one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six. 


A true copy— Attest 

[Signed] JOHN AVERY, Jr., Secretary. 


[Signed] THOMAS PHILLIPS, Town Clerk. 

[From the Town Records.] 





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An Act to incorporate the town of Broohsville. 

Sec. 1. Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Rep- 
resentatives in G-eneral Court assembled, and by the authority 
of the same, That those parts of the towns of Castine, 
Penobscot, and Sedgwick, included in the following bound- 
aries, viz : Beginning at the water on the line between 
Castine and Penobscot, there bounded by the waters of 
the harbour of Castine, and by Castine river, to land of 
John Walker, on the southerly side of said river ; thence 
on the line of said lot, including the same to the water ; 
thence from the outlet of Walker's Pond, so called, south- 
westerly, to the southerly line of Isaac Billings' land; 
thence, on said southerly line, to the sea ; thence running 
by the sea-shore round Cape Rozier, and by the shores of 
Castine harbour, to the first mentioned bounds; together 
with the inhabitants thereon, be, and are hereby incorpora- 
ted into a town, by the name of Brooksville ; and the said 
town is hereby vested with all the privileges and immuni- 
ties which other towns do, or may enjoy by the Constitu- 
tion and laws of this Commonwealth : Provided, that the 
inhabitants within the boundaries aforesaid, shall be holden 
to pay to the several towns, to which they have heretofore 
belonged, their several proportions of all taxes voted by 
said towns, together with all state and county taxes, appor- 
tioned on said towns, before the passing of this act. 

Sec. 2. Be it further enacted. That in all state taxes, 
which shall hereafter be granted by the General Court of 
this Commonwealth, until a new valuation shall be settled, 
one-eighth part of the taxes which would have been set to 
the town of .Sedgwick, one-fifth part which would have 
been set to the town of Penobscot, and one-fifth part which 
would have been set to Castine, according to the last valua- 
tion, shall be taken from said towns and set to the said 
town of Brooksville. 

Sec. 3. Be it further enacted. That William Abbott, 
Esquire, be, and he is hereby authorized to issue a warrant, 
directed to some suitable inhabitant of said town of Brooks- 
ville, requiring him to notify the inhabitants thereof, to 
meet at such time and place as shall be appointed in said 
warrant, for the election of all such officers as towns are 
entitled to choose in the month of March, or A})ril annually. 
— Approved by the Governor, June lo, 1817. — 
[Laws of Massachusetts — 1817.] 



An Act to set off a part of the town of Penohscat^ and annex 
the same to the town of Castine. 

Sec. 1. Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives^ in Greneral Court assembled^ and by the authority 
of the same, That that part of the town of Penobscot, in 
the county of Hancock, hereafter described, and the inhabi- 
tants thereon, be annexed to the town of Castine, in said 
county, viz : That part of said Penobscot lying between 
Penobscot and Castine rivers, and southerly and westerly 
of t f^ following lines, viz : Beginning at the first narrows 
in Cas'tine river, on the northerly line of Lot Number sixty, 
laid out to Pelatiah Freeman, deceased, and surveyed by 
John Peters, and John Peters, Jun. ; thence on the north- 
erly line of said Lot Number sixty, north-westerly to the 
centre line ; thence northerly on the centre line, to the 
southerly line of Lot Number twenty-two ; thence westerly 
to the easterl}^ end of Lot Number twenty-three ; thence 
northerly on the head or easterly end of Lot Number twenty- 
three, and continuing the same course to the stream, which 
empties into Morse's Cove, so called ; thence down said 
stream to said Cove. 

Sec. 2. JBe it further enacted. That the inhabitants of 
the said part of the town of Penobscot, by this act annexed 
to the said town of Castine, shall be holden to pay such 
taxes as have been assessed, or ordered to be assessed on 
them by the said town of Penobscot, previous to passing 
of this act. 

Sec. 3. Be it further enacted, That in all state taxes, 
which shall hereafter be granted, by the General Court of 
this Commonwealth, until a new valuation shall be settled, 
one quarter part of the taxes which would have been set to 
the town of Penobscot, according to the last valuation, 
shall be taken therefrom and set to the town of Castine. 

Sec. 4. Be it further enacted, That no person who is 
now supported wholly or in part, by any town in this 
Commonwealth, shall, by the passing of this act, thereby 
gain a settlement in said town of Castine. 

— Approved by the Governor, June 16, 1817. — 
[Laws of Massachusetts, 1817— p. 420.] 


General Skerhrook^s Account of the Capture of Castine. 
[From an Englisli Paper.] 

DowNiKG Street, October 9, 1814. 
Major Addison lias arrived with the following despatch 
from Lieutenant General Sherbrook, dated : 

Castine^ at the entrance to the Penobscot^ Sept. 18. 

My Lord : 

I have now the lionor to inform your Lordship that, 
after closing my despatch, on the 26th ult. — in which I 
mentioned my intention of proceeding to the Penobr cot — 
Rear Admiral Griffith and myself lost no time in sailing 
from Halifax, with slich a naval force as he deemed neces- 
sary, and the troops as per margin,* to accomplish the ob- 
ject we had in view. 

Very early in the morning of the 30th, we fell in with 
the Rifleman^ Sloop of war, when Captain Pearse informed 
us that the United States frigate Adams^ had got into the 
Penobscot, but from the apprehension of being attacked by 
your cruisers, if she remained at the entrance of the river, 
she ran up as high as Llampden, where she had landed her 
guns, and mounted them on shore for her protection. 

On leaving Halifax, it was my original intention to have 
taken possession of Machias, on our way hither ; but on 
receiving this intelligence, the Admiral and myself were of 
opinion that no time should be lost in proceeding to our 
destination, and we arrived here very early on the morning 
of the first instant. 

The Fort of Castine, which is situated upon a peninsula, 
of the eastern side of the Penobscot, near the entrance of 
that river, was summoned a little after sunrise ; but the 
American officer refused to surrender it, and immediately 
opened a fire from four 24-pounders upon a small schooner 
that had been sent with Lieutenant Colonel Nicholls (com- 
maTiding the Royal Engineers) to reconnoitre the work. 

Arrangements were immediately made for disembarking 
the troops ; and before a landing could be effected, the 
enemy blew up his magazine, and escaped up the Majeta- 
quadous river, carrying off iu the boats with them two 

As we had no means of ascertaining what force the 

*See note on p. 'AbQ. 


Americans had on this peninsula, I Landed a detachment 
of Royal Artillery, with two companies of the 60th and 98th 
regiments, under Colonel Douglass, in the rear of it, with 
orders to secure the isthmus, and to take possession of the 
heights which commanded the town ; but I soon learned 
that there was no regulars at Castine, except the party 
which had blown up the magazine and escaped, and that 
the militia which were assembled there had dispersed 
immediately on our landing. 

Rear Admiral Griffith and myself next turned our 
attention to obtaining possession of the Adams, or, if that 
could not be done, to destroying her. The arrangements for 
this service having been made, the Rear Admiral entrusted 
the execution of it to Captain Barrie, Royal Navy, and as 
the co-operation of the land force was necessary, I directed 
Lieutenant Colonel John, with a detachment of artillery, 
the flank companies of the 29th, 62d, and 98th regiments, 
and one rifle company of the 60th, to accompany and co- 
operate with Captain Barrie on this occasion ; but as 
Hampden is twenty-seven miles above Castine, it appeared 
to be a necessary measure of precaution first to occupy a 
port on the western bank, which might afford support, if 
necessary, to the force going up the river, and at the same 
time prevent the armed population, which is very numer- 
ous to the southward and westward, from annoying the 
British in their operations on the Adams. 

Upon inquiry, I found that Belfast, which is upon 
the high road leading from Hampden to Boston, and 
which perfectl}^ commands the bridge, was likely to answer 
both these purposes, and I consequently directed Major 
General Gosselin to occupy that place with the 29th regi- 
ment, and to maintain it till further orders. 

As soon as this was accomplished, and the tide served, 
Rear Admiral Griffith directed Captain Barrie to proceed 
to his destination, and the remainder of the troops were 
landed that evening at Castine. 

Understanding that a strong party of militia from the 
neighboring township, had assembled at about four miles 
from Castine, on the road leading to Bluehill, I sent out a 
strong patrol on the morning of the second, before day- 
break. On arriving at the place, I was informed that the 
militia of the county had assembled thereon, the alarm 
guns being fired at the Fort at Castine, upon our first 
appearance, but that the main body had since dispersed 


and returned to their respective homes. Some stragglers 
were, however, left, who fired upon our advanced guard, 
and then took to the woods ; a few of whom were made 
prisoners. No intelligence having reached us from Cap- 
tain Barrie on Saturday night, I marched with about 700 
men and two light field-pieces on Buckstown, at three 
o'clock on Sunday morning, the fourth inst., for the pur- 
pose of learning what progress he had made, and of afford- 
ing him assistance, if required. This place is about 
eighteen miles higher up the Penobscot than Castine, and 
on the eastern bank of the river. Rear Admiral Griffith 
accompanied me on this occasion, and as we had reason to 
believe that the light guns which had been taken from 
Castine were secreted in the neighborhood of Buckstown, 
we threatened to destroy the town, unless they were 
delivered up, and the two brass 3-pounders on travelling 
carriages were, in consequence, brought to us in the 
course of the day, and are now in our possession. 

At Buckstown we received very satisfactory accounts of 
the success which had attended the force employed up 
the river. We learned that Captain Barrie proceeded from 
Hampden to Bangor ; and the Admiral sent an officer in a 
boat from Buckstown to communicate with him, when 
finding there was no necessity for the troops remaining 
longer at Buckstown, they marched back to Castine the 
next day. 

Having ascertained that the object of the expedition up 
the Penobscot had been attained, it was no longer necessary 
for me to occupy Belfast, I therefore, on the evening of 
the sixth, directed Major General Gosselin to embark the 
troops and join me here. 

Machias being the only place now remaining where the 
enemy had a post between the Penobscot and Passama- 
quoddy Bay, I ordered Lieutenant Colonel Pilkington to 
proceed with a detachment of Royal Artillery and the 27th 
regiment to occupy it ; and as naval assistance was required, 
Rear Admiral (iriffith directed Captain Parker, of the 
Tenedos, to co-operate with Lieutenant Colonel Pilkington 
on this occasion. 

On the morning of the ninth Captain Barrie, with Lieu- 
tenant Colonel John, and the troops which had been em- 
ployed with him up the Penobscot, returned to Castine. 
It seems the enemy blew up the Adams, on his strong 
position at Hampden being attacked ; but all his artillery, 


two stands of colors, and a standard, with several merchant 
vessels, fell into our hands. This, I am happy to say, was 
accomplished with very little loss on our part ; and your 
Lordship will perceive, by the return sent herewith, that 
the only officer wounded in this affair is Captain Gell, of 
the 29th Grenadiers. 

[Signed.] J. C. Sheebkook. 

*First Company Royal Artillery, two rifle companies of 
the 7th batt. 60th Eegt. 29th, 62d and 98th regiments. 

Deeds of Peninsula School Lot. 
1. Joseph Perkins to Treasurer of Castine. 


That I, Joseph Perkins, of Castine, County of Hancock, 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Merchant, in considera- 
tion of ninety dollars to me in hand paid by William Ma- 
son, of Castine, aforesaid. Clerk and Treasurer of the Town 
of Castine, aforesaid, in behalf of the Inhabitants of the 
school district in said town, commonly known and called 
by the name of the Peninsula School District, the receipt 
whereof, I do hereby acknowledge, do give, grant, sell, and 
convey to the said William Mason, a certain tract, or lot of. 
land lying in said Castine, bounded and described as fol- 
lows, to wit : Beginning on Center street, fifty-one feet 
northwest from the west corner of land belonging to the 
heirs of Samuel Whitney, deceased ; thence running north- 
easterly, at right angles from said street, one hundred feet ; 
thence northwesterly on a line parallel with said street, 
thirty feet; thence southwesterly on a line parallel Avith the 
line just above described, one hundred feet to said street; 
and thence southeasterly on said street thirty feet to the 
first mentioned bounds. To Have and to Hold the afore- 
granted premises to him the said William Mason, his suc- 
cessors in the said office or assigns, in trust to and for the 
sole use and benefit of the Inhabitants of the said School 
District, for the purpose of erecting thereon a building for 
the accommodation of said District for a school house for- 
ever. And I do covenant with the said William Mason, 


his successors and assigns, that I am lawfully seized of the 
aforegranted premises ; that they are free of all incum- 
brances ; that I have a good right to sell and convey the 
same, in manner aforesaid ; and that I, my heirs, executors, 
and administrators will warrant and defend the same to 
the said William Mason, his successors in said office or 
assigns, against the lawful claims and demands of all per- 
sons. In witness whereof, I, the said Joseph Perkins, 
together with Phoebe, wife of the said Joseph, she hereby 
relinquishing her right of dower, have hereunto set our 
hands and seals this twenty-eighth day of September, in 
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 

Signed, Sealed and delivered in presence of us, 
David Willson. ) [Signed] JOSEPH PERKINS. [Seal.] 
William Abbott, j [Signed] PHCEBE PERKINS. [Seal.] 

Hancock ss. Castine, November 4, 1811. Personally 
appeared the above named Joseph Perkins, and acknowl- 
edged the foregoing instrument to be his free act and deed. 

Before me, [Signed] WILLIAM ABBOTT, J. P. 

2. John Perkins to Treasurer of Castine. 

I, John Perkins, of Castine, in the County of Hancock, 
Merchant, in consideration of ninety dollars to me paid by 
William Mason, of Castine aforesaid. Clerk and Treasurer 
of the Town of Castine, aforesaid, in behalf of the Inhab- 
itants of the school district in said town, commonly known 
and called by the name of the Peninsula School District, 
the receipt whereof I do hereby acknowledge, do give, 
grant, sell and convey to the said William Mason a certain 
tract or lot of land lying in said Castine, bounded and 
described as follows, to wit : beginning on Center street, 
twenty-one feet northwest from the west corner of land 
belonging to the heirs of Samuel Whitney, deceased ; 
thence running northeasterl}'- at right angles from said 
street one hundred feet ; thence northwesterly on a line 
parallel with said street thirty feet ; thence southwesterly 
on a line parallel with the line first above described one 


hundred feet to said street ; and then southeasterly on said 
street to the bounds first mentioned. 

To Have and to Hold the aforegranted premises to him 
the said William Mason, his successors in the said office or 
assigns, in trust to and for the sole use and benefit of the 
Inhabitants of the said School District, for the purpose of 
erecting thereon a building for the accommodation of said 
District for a school house forever. And I do covenant 
with the said William Mason, his successors and assigns, 
that I am lawfully seized of the premises ; that they are 
free of all incumbrances ; that I have good right to sell 
and convey the same in manner aforesaid ; and that I, ray 
heirs, executors and administrators, will warrant and de- 
fend the same to the said William Mason, his successors in 
said office or assigns, against the lawful claims and demands 
of all persons. In witness whereof, I the said John Perkins, 
have hereunto set my hand and seal this twenty-eighth 
day of September, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred 
and eleven. 

[Signed] JOHN PERKINS, [l. s.] 

his X mark. 

Signed, Sealed and delivered in presence of us. 
The words '"in trust " interlined 
before signing, [Signed] B. PIALL. 

Hancock ss. Castine, November 4, 1811. Then the 
aforenamed John Perkins acknowledged the aforegoing 
instrument to be his free act and deed. 

Before me, [Signed] B. HALL, Justice of Peace. 


Deed of Meeting-House Lot., ^-c. 

John Perlcins to Inhabitants of Castine. 


That I, John Perkins, of Castine, in the County of Han- 
cock, and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Gentleman, 
in consideration of ten dollars, paid by the Inhabitants of 
Castine, in said County, the receipt whereof I do hereby 
acknowledge, do hereby give, grant, sell and convey unto 
the said Lihabitants a certain piece or lot of land lying 
and being in said Town of Castine,' and bounded as fol- 


lows, viz : — Beginning at tlie northerly corner bounds of 
a piece of land lately conveyed by Captain Joseph Perkins 
to the Inhabitants of the County of Hancock ; thence run- 
ning northeast by land improved by James Perkins, Henry 
Whitney and myself, to land belonging to William Free- 
man, Esq., to a post, being the west corner bound of said 
Freeman's land ; thence southeast by said Freeman's land 
to Court street ; thence southwest on said Court street to 
said iand conveyed as aforesaid to said Inhabitants of said 
County ; thence northwest on the same land to the bound 
first mentioned. Said land is hereby conveyed to said 
Inhabitants of saidCastine, for the public buildings of said 
town, and other public uses — on which the Meeting House 
and School House now stand — whenever the premises shall 
cease to be improved by said Inhabitants for said purposes, 
the same shall then revert to the said John Perkins and his 
heirs : reserving however a free passage to said Whitney 
from his dwelling house to said Court street. To have and 
to Hold the aforegranted premises to the said Inhabitants 
of said Castine for said purposes, to their use and behoof 
forever. And I do covenant with the said Inhabitants of 
said Castine and their successors, that I am lawfully seized 
in Fee of the afore-granted premises ; that they are free of 
all incumbrances ; that I have good right to sell and convey 
the same to the said Inhabitants of the said Castine ; and 
that I will warrant and defend the same premises to the 
said Inhabitants of said Castine and their successors forever, 
against the lawful claims and demands of all persons. 

In witness whereof, I, the said John Perkins, have here- 
unto set my hand and seal this seventh day of June, in the 
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifteen. 

Signed, sealed and delivered 
in presence of us. 

Mason Shaw. ) ro- it 
Doty Little. \ [^^S^^ed.] 

[Signed.] JOHN PERKINS, [l. s.] 

his X mark. 

Hancock ss. Castine, June 7, 1815. Then the above 
named John Perkins, personally appeared and acknoAvl- 
edged the above instrument to be his free Act and Deed. 

Before me, 

[Signed.] MASON SHAW, Justice of Peace. 



Deeds of Coinmon Lot. 

1. Winsloio Lewis to Inhabitants of Castine. 


That I, Winslow Lewis, of Boston, in tlie Commonwealth 
of Massachusetts, Physician, in consideration of seventy- 
five dollars, to me paid by the Inhabitants of the Town 
of Castine, in the County of Hancock, in the State of 
Maine, the receipt whereof is hereby acknoAvledged, do 
by these presents grant, remise, release, and forever QUIT 
CLAIM, unto the said Inhabitants, and their successors, 
and assigns, all my right, title, interest and estate in and 
to a certain piece or parcel of land situated in said Cas- 
tine, and known as the Common Lot, upon which the 
Countj^ Buildings of the said County of Hancock were 
placed, and bounded as follows, namely : northwesterly 
by land of the heirs of the late Peggy Brooks, and by land 
of William Witherell, and Charles J. Abbott; southeast- 
erly by Court street ; northeasterly by Castine Common ; 
and southwesterly by land of Otis Little ; being the same 
lot assigned to Rufus Perkins, by Commissioners of Divi- 
sion, as will appear by their Report in Hancock County 
Probate Office. To have and to hold the above described 
Premises, to them the said Inhabitants, their successors and 
assigns, to their use and behoof forever. 

And I do covenant for my heirs, executors, and admin- ' 
istrators, to and with them, their successors and assigns, 
that I will and my heirs shall warrant and defend the said 
Premises unto them, their successors and assigns, against 
the lawful claims of all persons claiming by, through, or 
under me but not otherwise. 

And for the consideration aforesaid, and for divers other 
good and valuable considerations, I, Emeline Lewis, wife 
of the said Winslow Lewis, do hereby release, and Quit 
Claim unto the said Inhabitants, their successors and as- 
signs, all my right, claim, or possibility of dower, in or 
out of the afore-described premises. 

In witness whereof, we, the said Winslow Lewis and 
Emeline Lewis, have hereunto set our hands and seals this 


twenty-ninth day of April, in the year of our Lord eighteen 
hundred and forty. 

Sighed, sealed and delivered 
in presence of us, 

The words " by Commissioners 
of Division " previously interlined. 

John A. Andrew. ) re- n 

A. H. Fiske. 1 l^'S^^'^^ 

[Signed] WINSLOW LEWIS, [l. s.] 

[Signed] EMELINE LEWIS, [l. s.] 

re- n T> A ntn^T r^ \ tdt ^?r^^r\^lJ \ Witness to signature 
[Signed] RACHEL CARLETON, j ^^ ^^^^^.^^ ^^^^.^^ 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

Suffolk ss. 29th April, A. D. 1840. Then personally 
appeared the above-named Winslow Lewis, and acknowl- 
edged the foregoing instrument to be his free act and deed. 

Before me [Signed] A. H. FISKE, Justice of Peace. 

[Recorded in Book No. 72, Page 506.] 

2. Otis Little to Inhabitants of Castine. 


That I, Otis Little, of Castine, in the County of Han- 
cock, and State of Maine, Esq., and Dorothy Little, my 
wife, in her right, in consideration of fifty dollars, paid by 
Silas H. Martin, Rowland H. Bridgham, and Jonathan 
Perkins, Selectmen of Castine, and in behalf of the Inhab- 
itants of said town, the receipt whereof we do hereby 
acknowledge, do hereby remise, release, bargain, sell and 
convey, and forever QUIT CLAIM unto the said Inhabit- 
ants of Castine, their heirs and assigns forcA'er, all our 
right, title, and interest in and to a certain piece of land 
situated in Castine, and bounded as follows, viz : Begin- 
ning at the corner post of Otis Little's garden fence ; 
thence northwesterly by the Town House, eighteen inches 
from the same, seventy-six feet eight inches to a stake and 
stones at the corner of the Town House, eighteen inches 
from the same ; thence northeasterly nineteen feet eight 
inches to a stake and stones ; thence southeasterly seventy- 
six feet four inches to the street ; thence southwesterly 
twenty-one feet four inches to the bounds first mentioned ; 


3t being part of tlie ground on which the Town House 
now stands. To Have and to Hold the same, together 
with all the privileges and appurtenances thereunto belong- 
ing to the said Inhabitants of Castine, their heirs and 
assigns forever, against the lawful claims and demands of 
all persons claiming by, through, or under me. Iisr WIT- 
NESS WHEREOF, we, the said Otis Little and Dorothy Lit- 
tle, have hereunto set our hands and seals this twenty- 
sixth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
eight hundred and forty-one. 
Signed, Sealed and delivered 

in presence of 
[Signed] Thomas Cobb. 

[Signed] OTIS LITTLE. [l. s.] 

[Signed] DOROTHY LITTLE. [l. s.] 

Hancock ss. August 26, 1841. Personally appeared 
the above named Otis Little and Dorothy Little, and 
acknowledge the above instrument to be their free act and 

Before me, [Signed] THOMAS COBB, 

Justice of Peace. 
[Recorded in Book No. 72, Page 506.] 

A list of the Residents of Majabigivaduce^ who were 
Soldiers in the French and Indian War, in 1759.* 

Aaron Banks, Andrew Herrick, 

Hate-evil Colson, Charles Hutchings, 

Josiah Colson, Nathaniel Veazie. 

A List of the Residents of Plantation No. 3, who were 
Soldiers in the War of the Revolution.* 

Theodore Bowden, Stephen Kevan, 

Edmund Bridges, Alexander McCarslin, 

Hate-evil Colson, Noah Norton, 

Henry Dorr, Nathaniel Patten, 

David Danbar, Moses Veazie, 

William Hutchings, Daniel Webber, 
William Webber. 

*This list is derived from traditional and not from documentary sources, 
and may not contain all the names that belong in it. 



Soldiers of the War of 1812, — Residents of Castine, (In- 
cluding Brooksville.^* 

Benjamin Bolton, 
Nehemiah Bowden, 
Oliver Bridges,! 
James Collins, f 

Joshua Foster, 
Cornelius McGee, 
John Gray, 
Henry Keeler, 

Eben Richardson, f 
Soldiers of the War of 1812. — Residents of Penobscot. 

Nicholas Bartlett,:j: 
Nehemiah Bowden, 
Ralph Bowden, 
Cyrus Buker, 
Henry Dorr, 
Stephen Ellis, 
Aaron Gray, 
John Gray. 

Eliakim W. Hutchings, 
David Leach, 
Joseph Leach, 
William Leach, 


Alexander McCarslin, 
Adam McCarslin, § 
Andrew McCarslin,§ 
James McCarslin,§ 
Reuben McCarslin,§ 
Mark S. Patten, 
Mighill Patten, II 
Abijah Pray, 
John Springfield, 
Joel Wardwell,^ 
Lewis Wardwell, 
Samuel Weaver, 


List of the memhers of the Hancock Gruards U'ho ivent to 
the Aroostook, in 1839. ff 

Captain Charles H. Wing, 

J. Selden Burbank, 

Charles A. Cate,|J 

Mr. — Crehore, Orderly Sg't. 

Charles Fitz, 

Oakman Gardner, 

Thomas E. Hale, 

John Heath, Drummer, 

Ithiel Lawrence, $f 
J. Haskell Noyes, 
Robert Perkins, Jr., 
John Prim, 
Robert Straw, 
Wm. B. Walker, 
Benj. J. Wilson, 
John B. Wilson. 

*Tliis list is derived from traditional and not from docunteutary sources, 
and mav not contain all the names that belong in it. 


+lle lost a leg at Plattsl)Hrg. 

Ssons of Alexander McCarslin. 

f|T!ie onlv one living, in Penobscot, in Sept., 1874. 

niMediedat Piattsburg. 

**He ilied in Canada. 

tH)nly the sixteen tirst mentioned wore actually members of the Hancock 
Guards," lliougii the others were constructively so. 

liStarted with the company, but provided substitutes on the way. 



The following persons also went at this time, either as 
substitutes, or in some other company : 

Samuel Bowclen, John Rea, 

Elijah Orcutt, John Snowman, 

Fayette Buker, David Montgomery, Teamsters. 


Hosier of Castine Light Infantry^ — 1858 — 1860. 

Commanding Officers. 

S. K. Devereux, Captain, 
C. W. Tilden, 1st Lieut., 
S. W. Webster, 2d Lieut., 

A. F. Adams, 3d Lieut., 
J. B. Wilson, 4th Lieut., 

John M. Dennett, Standard Bearer. 
Non-commissioned Officeks. 

D. D. Wardwell, 
H. B. Robbins, 

Charles E. Jarvis, 
Isaac Doyle, 

S. C. 

Otis Hatch, 
J. H. Noyes, 
S. P. Hatch, 
Z. H. Webber, 
R. H. Bridgham, 
J. S. Norton, 
R. A. Bridgham, 
Jeremiah Wescott, 
John H. Crawford, 
E. F. Davies, 
Samuel Bowden, 
Ehsha D. Perkins, 
Sewall Perkins, 
M. P. Perkins, 


Jas. C. Collins, 
P. J. Hooke. 


H. L. Macomber, 
William T. Hooper. 

Murch, Musician. 

John S. Perkins, 
Geo. E. Noyes, 
Charles Blaisdell, 
Samuel B. Stevens, 
A. M. Noyes, 
E. H. Buker, 
Wm. S. Wescott, 
Joel Perkins, 
Mark P. Hatch, Jr., 
Otis T. Hooper, 
John Lewis, 
John Taylor, 
John McLaughlin, 
James Christian, 



William Jarvis, 
Andrew Collins, 
A. B. Osgood, 
E. S. Perkins, 
Geo. W. Jarvis, 
John Clark, 
James B. Crawford, 
Oeo. I. Brown, 

E. F. Collins, 
I. G. Shepherd, 

F. A. Hooke, 
James S. Moore, 
Richard Tibbetts, 

Edward A. Lawrence, 
Orville D: Webber, 
Wm. M. Lawrence, 
Ellis Peterson, 
Charles Veazie, 
Wilson Hutchins, 
Thomas Reynolds, 
John Donahue, 
Daniel Bridges, 
Amos Clark, 
B. W. Darling, 
John F. Surry, 
Augustus Wescott, 
Albert King. 

John R. Redman, 
James Brophy, 
John W. Dr6sser, 


Geo. S. Vose, 
S. K. Whiting, 
B. B. Foster, 
F, H. Jarvis, 



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List of Plants Foukd in Castine and Vicinity. 

RANUNCULACE^ (Crow Foot Family). Ane- 
mone — Nemorosa (wood anemone). Hepatica — triloba. 
Ranunculus — Flammula (Spearwort), Acris (Buttercups), 
Abdrtivus, bulbosus^ (Buttercups), Pennsylv aniens (Bristly 
Crowfoot). Coptis — trifolia (Three-leaved Goldthread). 
Aquilegia — Canadensis (wild Columbine.) 

NYMPH^ACEiE (Water-lily Family). Nymphsea- 
Odorata (White Pond Lily). Nuphar — Advena (Yellow 
Pond Lily). 

SARRACENIACEiE (Pitcher Plants). Sarrace- 
nia — purpurea (Side-Saddle Flower). 

CRUCIFERyE (Mustard Family). Capsella— Burra- 
Pastoris (Shepherd's Purse). Cakile — Americana (Sea 
Rocket). Raphanus — Rapkanistrum (Wild Radish). Sin- 
apis — Alba (White Mustard), Nigra (Black Mustard). 
Sysymbrium — Officinale (Hedge Mustard). 

VIOLACEyE (Violet Family). Y\o\?i—blanda (Sweet 
White Violet), Cucullafa (Blue Violet), Canadensis (Can- 
ada Yiolet) , pubescens (Yellow Violet). 

DROSERACE^ (Sundew Family). D. rotundifolia 
(Round-leaved Sundew). 

HYPERICACE^E (St. John's Wort Family). Hy- 
pericum — Mutiliim, Canadense. 

CARY0PHYLLACEJ3 (Pink Family). Stellaria 
(Chickweed) — longifolia (Stitch wort), borealis (Northern 
Stitchwort). Cerastium — arvense (Field Chickweed). 
Spergularia — rubra (Sandwort), Anychia — dichotoma 
(Forked Chickweed). 

PORTULACACEiE (Purslane Family). Portula- 
ca — oleracea (common Purslane). 

MALVACEAE (Mallow Family). Malva — sylves- 


tris (Higli Mallow), 7'otiindifolia (Common Mallow), 
crispa (Curled Mallow.)* 

TILIACEiE (Linden Famlly). Tilia — Americana 

OXALIDACE^ (Wood-sorrel Family). Oxalis— 
Acetosella (Common Wood Sorrel), stricta (Yellow Wood 

GERANIACEiE (Geranium Family). Geranium. 
Maculatiim (Wild Cranesbill), Rohertianum (Herb Robert). 

BALSAMINACE^ (Balsam Family). Impatiens— 
fulva (Spotted Touch-me-not). 

ANACARDIACEtE (Cashew Family). Rhus — 
typkina (Staghorn Sumach), cojyallina (Dwarf Sumach). 

ACERINE.E (Maple Family). A. sacharinum 
(Sugar or Rock Maple) — Var. nigrum (Black Siigar 
Maple), dasycarpum (White Maple), ridirum (Red or 
Swamp Maple), P ennsylva7iicum (Striped Maple), Spica- 
tum (Mountain Maple). 

LEGUMINOSiE (Pulse Family). Trifolium— re- 
pews (White Clover), Jri'ense (R?bbit-foot or Stone Clover.) 
pratense (Red Clover), a^rarmm (Yellow Clover), Lathyrus 
— maritimus (Beach Pea), palustris (Marsh Vetchling), 
Vicia — hirsuta (Common Tare).* 

R0SACEJ5 (Rose Family). Prmius — maritima 
(Beach Plum), pumila (Dwarf Cherry), Pennsylvanica 
(Wild Red Cherry), Virginiana (Choke Cherry). Spiraea 
— tomentosa (Hardback), sallcifolia (Meadow Sweet), 
Ulmaria* Potentilla — Argentea (Five-Finger). Fragaria 
veaca (Wild Strawberry). Rubus — trijiorus (Dwarf Rasp- 
berry), strigosus (Wild Red Raspberr}^, vUhsKS (High 
Blackberry), Canadensis (Dewberry), Hispidus (SAvamp 
Blackberry. Rosa — lucida (Dwarf Wild Rose), hlanda 
(Early Wild Rose), ruhiginoscr (True Sweet-Brier). 
Cratalgus — coecinea (Scarlet-fruited Thorn). Pyrus — 
arhutifolia (Choke-berr}^), Americayia (Mountain Ash). 

SAXIFRAGACEJ5 (Saxifrage Family). Ribes— 
lacustre (Swamp Gooseberry), pros^r«^i<m (Fetid Currant). 

HAMAIMELACEJ]: (Witch-Hazel Family). Ham- 
amelis. Virginica (Witch Hazel). 

ONAGRACE^ (Evening-Primrose Family). Epi- 

*Escaped from the gardens. 


loliium — ■anau^ti folium (Great-Willow Herb), coloratum. 
QEnotliera — biennis (Common Evening Primrose), ^j^ontYa. 

CRASSULACEJi: (Oepine Family). Seclum— tele- 
pJiium (Live-for-ever).* Penthorum — sedoides. 

UMBELLIFERiE (Paesley Fa^hly). Carum— carwi 
(Caraway). Liofusticnm — Scoticum (Scotch Lovage). 
Sium — linear e (Water Parsnip). 

ARALIACEtE (Ginseng Family^). Aralia — racemosa 
(Spikenard), nudieavlis (Wild Sarsaparilla). 

CORNACEiE (Dogwood Family). C. Canadensis 
(Bunch Bervj^^ florida (Flowering Dogwood). 

CAPRIFOLIACEiE (Honeysuckle Family)— Lin- 
oea — horealis (Twin flower). Viburnum — Ojjuhis (Cran- 
berry Tree). Sambucus — Canadensis (Common Elder), 
puhens (Red-berried Elder). 

RUBIACEiE (Madder Family)— Galium — ^s^jreZ- 
lum (Rough Bedstraw), triffidum (Small Bedstraw). 
Cephalanthus — Occidentalis (Button Bush). Mitchella— 
repens (Partridge Berry). Houstonia — Coerulea. 

COMPOSITtE (Composite Family). Eupatorium 
— perfoliatmn (Thoroughwort — Boneset). Aster (Star- 
worts — Asters) — JJndulatus^ Cordifolius, Macrophyllus, du- 
mosus^ Tradescanfi, longifolius, crecordes, Multiflorus. Erig- 
eron, — stricjosum (Fleabane), atmuiim. Solidago (Golden- 
rod) — bicolo')% altissima, angustifolia. Ambrosia — trifida 
(Great Ragweed). Bidens — frondosa (Beggar-Ticks). 
Achillea — Millefolium (Yarrow — Milfoil) . Tanacetum — 
vidgare (Common Tansy).* Artemisia — Absinthium(JX oxxn.- 
wood). Gnaphalium — polfjcephalum (common Everlasting,) 
decurrens (Everlasting), idiginomm (Low Cud weed), jcwr- 
pureu7n (Purple Cudweed). Cirsium — Lanceolatum (Com- 
mon Thistle), arvense (Canada Thistle), pn772ili(m (Pas- 
ture Thistle). Sonchus — oleracevs (Sow-Thistle) Naba- 
lus Frazeri (Lion's Foot). Taraxicum — Dens-leonis (Dan- 
delion). Leontodon — Autunuiale (Fall Dandelion). Maruta 
— Coiida (Mayweed). Chrysanthemum — Leucanthemum 
(White weed). Erechthites — Hieracifolia (P'ireweed). 

LOBELLVCEyE (Lop.ellv Family). Lobelia— e^r^i- 
nalis (Cardinal Flower), inftata (Indian Tobacco), Syphi- 
litica (Great Lobelia). 

ERICACEyE (Heath Family). Gaylussacia — resi. 

♦Escaped from gardens. 


nosa (Black Huckleberry), frondosa (Dangleberry — Blue 
Tangle). Vaccinium — Pennsylvanicum (Dwarf Blueberry), 
corymhosum (Swamp Blueberr}^), Oxy coccus (Small Cran- 
berry), macrocarpon (Common Cranberry). Kalimia — 
latifolia (Mountain Laurel), angustifolia (Lambkill), Pyro- 
la — nionotropa. 

PLANTAGINACE^ (Plantain Family). Plan- 
tago — Major (Common Plantain), maritima (Sea-side 
Plantain) . 

PLUMB AGINACEJE (Leadwokt Family). Statice 
— Limonium (Marsh Rosemary). 

PRIMULACEtE (Primrose Family). Lysimachia 
— mimulasea (Loosestrife). 

SCROPHULARIACE^ (Figwort Family). Verba- 
scum — Thapsus (Mullein). 

LABIATtE (Mint Family). Mentha — viridis (Spear- 
mint), Canadensis (Wild Mint). Hedeoma — pidegioides 
(Pennyroyal). Nepeta — cataria (Catnip,) Crlechoma 
(Ground Ivy). Brunella — vulgaris (Heal-all), Stachys 
— palustris (Hedge Nettle). 

BORRAGINACE^ (Borage Family). Cynoglossum 
— 3Iorisoni (Beggar's Lice). 

CONVOLVULACE^ (Convolvulus Family.) Cus- 
cuta — Gronovii. 

SOLANACEiE (Nightshade Family). Solanum — 
Dulcamara (Bittersweet).* Datura — Stramonium (James- 
town Weed — Thorn Apple). 

ASCLEPIADACEiE (Milkweed Family). Asclepias 
— Cornuti (Milkweed). 

OLEACE^ (Olive Family). Fraxinus — Americana 
(White Ash), samhucifolia (Black Ash). 

PHYTOLACCACEJE (Pokeweed Family). Phyto- 
lacca — decandra (Garget — Pigeon Berry). 

CHENOPODIACE^ (Goosefoot Family). Salicor- 
nia — nuhacea (Glasswort- — Samphire). Suseda — maritima 
(Sea Goosefoot). Salsola — Kali (Saltwort). 

POLYGONACE^ (Buckwheat Family). Polygo- 
num — aviculare (Goose-grass) ; var. erectum. Persicaria — 
hydropiperoides (Mild Water Pepper), acre (Smart Weed), 
arifolium (Tear-Thumb), Convolvulus (Black Bindweed), 
*Escaped from the gai'dens. 


dumetorum (False Buckwheat). Rumex — orMculatus, ver- 
ticillatus (Swamp Dock), crispus (Curled Dock), acetosella 
(Field or Sheep Sorrel). 

URTICACE^ (Nettle Family). Vlmus^Americanus 
(White Elm). Uvtica— gracilis (Tall Wild Nettle). 

PLATANACE^ (Plane Teee Fajhly). Platinus.— 
occidentalis (Sycamore). 

CUPULIFER^ (Oak Family). Quercus — coccinea. 
(Scarlet Oak), rubra (Red Oak). Fagus — -ferrugiyiea (Amer- 
ican Beech). Corylus — Americana (Wild Hazel-nut Tree). 
Carpinus — Americana (American Hornbeam). 

MYRICACEiE (Sweet-Gale Family). Myrica— 
Grale (Sweet Gale). Comptonia — asplenifolia (Sweet 

BETULACE^ (Birch Faivuly. B. ^o/^^/^acea (Paper 
Birch), lutea (Black or Sweet Birch), alia (White Birch.) 
Alnus — incana (Speckled Alder), serrulata (Smooth Alder.) 

SALICACEiE (Willow Family). Salix—cordata 
(Heart-leaved Willow), lucida, Shining Willow), Populus 
tremuloides (American Aspen), grandidentata (Larch), hal- 
samifera (Balsam Poplar) — var. eandicans (Balm of 

CONIFERS (Pine Fajuly). Pinus — resinosa (Red 
Pine), strohus (White Pine). Abies — halsamea (Balsam 
Fir), Canadensis (Hemlock Spruce), nigra (Black Spruce), 
alha (White Spruce). Larix — Americana (Black Larch — 
Hackmatack). Taxus — Canadensis (Ground Hemlock). 
Thuja — occidentalis (Arbor Vitae), var. ericoides. Junipe- 
rus — communis (Juniper). 

ARACE^ (Arum Family). Ariscema — triphyllum 
(Indian Turnip). Symplocarpus — -foetidus (Skunk Cab- 
bage). Acorus — calamus (Sweet Flag). 

TYPHACEiE (Cat-Tail Family). Typhsi—latifolia 

ORCHIDACEiE (Orchis Family). Spiranthes— ^m- 
cilis (Ladies' Tresses), cernua. 

NAIADACEiE (Pondweed Family). Zostera — marina 

IRIDACE J2 (Iris Family). Iris — virginica (Blue Flag). 
Sisyrinchium — Berniudiana (Blue-eyed Grass). 


LILIACEtE (Lily Family). Trillium — erectum. Ery- 
thronium — Americanum (Yellow Aclder's-Tongiie). 

EQUISETACEiE (Horse-Tail Family). Equisetum— 
arvense^ sylvaticum^ limosum. 

FILICES (Ferns). Polypodium — Vulgare, Phegopteris. 
Pteris — aquilina (Common Brake). Osmuncla — cinnamo- 
mea (Cinnamon Fern). 

LYCOPODIACE^ (Club-Moss Family). Lycopo- 
dium — dendroideum (Ground Pine), clavatum (Club-Moss), 
complanatnm. Salaginella — rupestris. 

CYPERACEyE (Sedge Family). 

GRAMINE^* (Grass Family). 

Collectors of Customs for the Port of Castine. 

John Lee, from July 31, 1789—1801, 

Josiah Hooke, from 1801, to Sept., 1814, 

William Newton, (British), Sept., 1814, to April, 1815. 

Josiah Hooke, from April, 1815 to 1817. 

S. K. Gilman, from 1817 to 1825. 

Joshua Carpenter, from 1825 to 1829. 

Rowland H. Bridgham, from 1829 to 1841. 

B. W. Hinkley, ) n loMi-io^- 

Charles J. Abbott, J ^^'^^^^ ^^^^ *^ ^^^''■ 

Rowland H. Bridgham, from 1845 to 1849. 

Charles J. Abbott, from 1849 to 1853. 

John R. Redman, from 1853 to 1861. 

S. K. Devereux, from 1861 to 1870. 

WiUiam H. Sargent, from 1870 to . 

Members of Congress who were Residents of 
Penobscot or Castine. 

Isaac Parker, from 1796 to 1798. 
Hezekiah Williams, from 1845 to 1849. 
♦Represented by many species. 



Members op Governoe's Council. 

William B. Webber, Castine, 1825. 
Otis Little, Castine, 1830. 
John H. Jarvis, Castine, 1836. 
William Grindle, Penobscot, 1871— '74. 

State Senators. 
Charles Hutchings, Jr., Penobscot, 1830 — '31. 
Rowland H. Bridgham, Castine, 1832. 
John R. Redman, Brooksville, 1837. 
Hezekiah WiUiams, Castine, 1839—1841. 
Rowland H. Bridgham, Castine, 1842—1843. 
Benjamin Rea, Brooksville, 1849 — 1850. 
John Bridges, Castine, 1851 — 1853. 
William Barker, Brooksville, 1855 — ^56. 
John Bridges, Castine, 1860 — '61. 
Charles J. Abbott, 1866. 


Representatives to the Legislature prom Penob- 
scot, Castine and Brooksville. 

To General Court of Massachusetts.* 
George Thatcher, 1788. Job Nelson, 1801—1803. 

Gabriel Johannot, 1789. Otis Little, 1806— '09— '12. 

Isaac Parker, 1791—1795— David Howe, 1813. 

1796. Thomas Adams, 1814. 

Oliver Mann, 1798—1807. Thomas E. Hale, 1816— '18. 
Mark Hatch, 1799. Samuel Upton, 1819. 

To Legislature of Maine. 

[From Records in Office of Secretary of State.] 

From Brooksville. 

Suneon Allan, 1839. Joseph P. Parker, 1822— '28. 

Robert J. Blodgett, 1874. WiUiam Perkins, 1842. 

James W. Coombs, 1855. Benjamin Rea, Jr., 1837 — '44. 

Samuel Condon, Jr., 1864. Erastus Redman, 1849. 

John Devereux, 1857. John R. Redman, 1833. 

Kenney Grindle, 1861. David Walker, 1830. 

Lowell Grindle, 1867. Rufus B. Walker, 1851— '52. 

John Hawes, 1847. David Wasson, 1835. 

George V. Mills, 1870. William Wasson, 1858. 

'Compiled from Town Records. 



From Castine. 

William Abbott, 1820/22, 

'OQ '9^; '97 

Samuel Adams, 1866. 
John Bridges, 1813, '45. 
John R. Bridges, 1869. 
Joseph Bryant, 1831. 
Henry Emerson, 1839, '41. 
Timothy Fernald, 1854. 

James Hooper, 1837. 
Ithiel Lawrence, 1863. 
Otis Little, 1829. 
George Vose, 1833, '35. 
Frederic Webber, 1857, '60. 
David W. Webster, 1873. 
Benjamin J. Wilson, 1847,'49. 
Josiah Wilson, 1838. 

From Penobscot. 

John Burnham, 1830. 
Isaac B. Goodwin, 1869. 
Benjamin Gray, 1842. 
Jonathan Hatch, Jr., 1846. 

Pelatiah Leach, 1829,— *48, 

Uriah B. Leach, 1866. 
Dan'l M. Perkins, I860,— '63. 

Charles Hutchings, Jr., 1823, Isaac Perry,— 1822. 

'26— 1844,— '53. Leander A. Snowman, 1871. 

Ebenezer Hutchings, 1834, — Moses Trussell, 1827. 

1855. Jeremiah Wardwell, 1836,— 

Ebenezer Leach, 1831— '32. '40. 


Selectmen of Castine.* 
[Including the old town of Penobscot.] 

Joseph Perkins, 
Jeremiah Wardwell, 
Oliver Parker, 
Joseph Hibbert, 
Joseph Young. 


Joseph Perkins, 
Joseph Hibbert, 
Oliver Parker, 
Pelatiah Leach, 
John Wasson. 
♦Compiled from Town Records. 


Oliver Parker, 
Joseph Hibbert, 
Daniel Wardwell, 
Seth Blodget\, 
Oliver Mann, 


John Perkins, 
Elijah Littlefield, 
David Hawes, 
David Wilson, 
Pelatiah Leach. 



Oliver Parker, 
Oliver Mann, 
John Wasson, 
John Wilson, 
Sparks Perkins. 

Jeremiah Wardwell, 
Pelatiah Leach, 
John Wasson, 
Oliver Mann, 
John Wilson. 

Thatcher Avery, 
Joseph Binney, 
Thomas Wasson. 

Joseph Perkins, 
Joseph Young, 
David Wilson. 

David Wilson, 
David Howe, 
Jonathan Foster. 

David Wilson, 
David Howe, 
Ephraim Blake. 

David Wilson, 
David Howe, 
Israel Redman. 

David Wilson, 
David Howe, 
Francis Bakeman. 

David Wilson, 
David Howe, 
Rogers Lawrence. 

David Wilson, 
William Abbott, 
Rogers Lawrence. 

David Wilson, 
David Howe, 
Rogers Lawrence. 

David Wilson, 
Thomas Adams, 
Rogers Lawrence. 

David Wilson, 
Thomas Adams, 
Elisha Smith. 


Thomas Adams, 
Hezekiah Rowell, 
Rogers Lawrence. 


Thomas Adams, 
Bradshaw Hall, 
Rogers Lawrence. 

Thomas Adams, 
Bradshaw Hall, 
William Freeman. 

William Abbott, 
Otis Little, 
John Wilson. 


William Abbott, 

Otis Little, 

Theodore B. Mclntyre, 

Otis Little, 
Joseph Bryant, 
Theodore B. Mclntyre. 


Otis Little, 
William Witherle, 
Theodore B. Mclntyre. 

Otis Little, 
Joseph Bryant, 
Theodore B. Mclntyre. 

Otis Little, 
Joseph Byrant, 
Henry Emerson. 


Samuel Adams, 
Hezekiah Williams, 
Henry Emerson. 

Charles J. Abbott, 
Charles Rogers, 
John A. Avery. 

Charles J. Abbott, 
Charles Rogers, 
Jonathan Perkins. 

Silas H. Martin, 
Rowland H. Bridgham, 
Jonathan Perkins. 

Hezekiah- Williams, 
Charles Rogers, 
William B. Webber. 

Hezekiah Williams, 
Charles J. Abbott, 
Joseph Wescott. 

1845— 184T. 
Charles J. Abbott, 
Stover P. Hatch, 
Joseph Wescott. 


Stover P. Hatch, 
Charles Rogers, 
Joseph Wescott. 

Frederic A. Hooke, 
Charles Rogers, 
Joseph Wescott. 


Stover P. Hatch, 
Charles Rogers, 
Joseph Wescott. 


Mark P. Hatch, 

Charles Rogers, 
Joseph Wescott. 


Charles A. Cate, 
Charles Rogers, 
Joseph Wescott. 


Frederic A. Hooke, 
Stover P. Hatch, 
Joseph Wescott. 


Samuel Adams, 
Charles Rogers, 
Joseph Wescott. 

Stover P. Hatch, 
Stephen W. Webster, 
Zadoc Witham. 

John R. Redman, 
Stephen W. Webster, 
Zadoc Witham. 

Frederic A. Hooke, 
William H. Witherle, 
Jefferson Devereux. 


1866. 1871—1873. 

Frederic A. Hooke, Stover P. Hatch, 

Otis Hatch, Philip J. Hooke, 

Jefferson Devereux. Joseph Wescott. 

1867—1870. 1874. 

Josiah B. Woods, Stover P. Hatch, 

Thomas E. Hale, Philip J. Hooke, 

Jefferson Devereux. Jefferson Devereux. 

Town Dieectories. 1874. 


Collector of Cttstoms — Hon. William H. Sargent. 

Deputy Collector — L. G. Philbrook, Otis Little. 

Postmasters — Charles Rogers ; North, Samuel Dunbar. 

Selectmen — Stover P. Hatch, Philip J. Hooke, Jeffer- 
son Devereux. 

Town Clerk — Philip J. Hooke. 

Treasurer — Charles H. Hooper. 

Constables — J. M. Dennett, F. Hooper, A. J. Raffnell, 
S. P. Hatch. 

School Committee — J. W. Dresser, S. K. Whiting, D. 
W. Webster, Jr. 

Clergymen — A. E. Ives, Cong.-, J. H. Moores, Meth.; 
J. W. Winkley, Unit. 

Physicians — J. L. Stevens, G. A. Wheeler. 

Lawyers — Chas. J. Abbott. 

Notary Public — Chas. J. Abbott. 

Justices— Geo. F. Tilden, Chas. J. Abbott, L. G. Phil- 
brook, Daniel J. Crawford, J. W. Dresser, Samuel K. 
Whiting, William H. Sargent, Samuel Dunbar, Quorum; 
Josiah B. Woods, Trial; William H. Sargent, Dedimus. 

Deputy Sheriff — E. F. Davies. 

Merchants — Perkins & Sargent, Witherle & Co., Chas. 
W. Tilden & Co., R. M. Joyce, J. B. Crawford, Hooper 
& Shepherd, dri; goods and groceries ; J. W. Dresser, ship 
chandlery ; Richard McCluskey, Andrew Brown, tailors ; 
Aaron Chamberlain, toys and confectionery ; H. L. Macora- 
ber, jetveller ; Mrs. L. H. Parker, Miss Isabella Brown, 
millinery ; Miss Meheteble Coruwallis, Miss Isadore Corn- 
wallib, Miss Isabella Brown, dressmakers ; D. J. Crawford, 


apothecary ; D. J. Crawford, Perkins & Sargent, hooks and 
stationery; John F, Rea, wood and lumber ; Geo. S. Vose, 
stoves ayid tin ware ; North, George H. Emerson, Samuel 
Dunbar, dry goods and groceries. 

Manufacturers. — John Clark & Son, hoots and shoes ; 
Edward F. Davies, furniture ; Geo. F. Tilden & Son, 
lobster factory ; Castine Brick Co., F. A Hooke, Agent; 
J. W, Dresser, ro-pe walk; James A. Webster, Joel Per- 
kins, S. T. & J. H. Noyes, master shijnv rights ; H. B. Rob- 
bins, puwijt) and block maker; B. J. Wilson, boat builder; 
John Bridges, A. J. Raffnell, Geo. H. Emerson, smiths; 
Elisha S. Perkins, Frank Perkins, painters; Dresser & 
Surry, mackerel lines; E. H. Buker, mason ; S. W. Web- 
ster, William M. Lawrence, Geo. L. Weeks, master car- 
pe7iters ; J. M. Dennett, William Morgrage, sailmakers ; 
D. W. Webster, Jr., grist and shingle mill ; Chas. Witham, 
boots and shoes. 

Schools. — Eastern State Normal School. J. W. Dresser, 
Member of Board of Trustees ; G. T. Fletcher, Principal ; 
Castine Free High School, Edward P. Sampson, Principal. 

Associations. — 3Iasons — Hancock, No. 4. 1st Thurs. 
in month. /. 0. Gr. T. — Rising Virtue, weekly on Sat. 

Livery Stables — Hooper Bros. — North, Geo. H. 

Hotels — Horatio E. Hodsden; North, Geo. H. Emer- 

U. S. Revenue Cutter — Dobbin — Capt. Chas. Abbey, 

Belfast & Castine Steamboat — Pioneer — Jeremiah 
Hatch, Captain. 

BuCKSPORT AND Castine Stage — Office at Hotel. 

Belfast and Castine Packet — Spy — H. D. Hods- 
don, Agent. 

Eastern Express Agent — Chas. W. Tilden. 

Agent for Steamer Lewiston — Chas. W. Tilden. 


Postmasters — J. Walker ; South, L. M. Bates ; West^ 
Luther Tapley ; North, Mrs. Emily Blodgett. 

Selectmen — David Varnum, William Wasson, Joseph 


Town Clerk — C. E. Snow. 

Treasueer — Amos Gott. 

Constables — Samuel Condon, Richard Condon. 

School Supervisor — Lucius M. Perkins. 

Clergymen — Vacant; West, H. H. Hutchii.son, Cong.; 
F. A. Bragdon (Penobscot) Meth. ; South, T. Shepherd- 
son, Conff. 

Justices— J. G. Walker, F. P. Billings, D. S. Gray, 
William Wasson, Jeremiah Jones, Quorum; David Was- 
son, G. V. Mills, Trial 

Merchants — S. Babson, L. M. Perkins ; West, G. H. 

Emerson, Douglas, David Billings ; South, E. C. 

Chatto, E. H. Bates, S. D. Gray ; North, C. Staples, dri/ 
goods and groceries. 

Manufacturers — J. & J. G. Walker, clothiers and 
lumber ; South, S. D. Gray, lumber ; Joseph Wescott & Son, 
granite ; North, E. P. Parker, lumber ; West, J. P. Tapley, 

Associations — I. 0. Cr.T. — Fes^, Bagaduce, Saturday. 
C. W. 2^.— Saturday. 

Hotel — Samuel Babson. 


Postmasters — Sylyia Perkins ; North, Phebe Osgood ; 
South, Edward White. 

Selectmen — Charles Leach, Samuel Farnham, Ellery 

Town Clerk — Ellery Varnum. 

Treasurer — Rufus Leach. 

Constable and Collector. — Monroe Wardwell. 

School Committee — Elizabeth Leach, Peleg G. Sta- 
ples, S. D. Staples. 

Clergymen — F. A. Bragdon, Meth. ; vacant. Baptist. 

Justices — W. Grindle, Jr., Peleg G. Staples, James 
Leach, Charles Leach, William G. Heath, Quorum; S. 
H. Perkins, Trial. 

Merchants — Josiah Varnum, Horace Perkins, Phebe 
Osgood, Bowden & Grindle, J. Wesley Leach, variety ; 
Mrs. Abbie Condon, millinery. 

Manufacturers — Isaac B. Goodwin, John D. Gray, 
hoots and shoes ; James Smith, M. Littlefield, John Ward- 
well, Benj. Cushman, coopers (fish barrels) ; D. Grindle, 


White, Grindle & Co., staves; W. S. Hutchins (Sc 

Sons, Smith & Grindle, Penobscot Brick Co., bricks; 
Wardwell Bros., S. Bowden, Stephen Goodwin, smiths ; 
John B. Lawrence, R. W. Devereux, harnesses. 

Associations — I. 0. Cr. T. — Penobscot Bay, Saturday ; 
North, Rechab, Saturday. 



A Chboxological Table of Local Events — Includ- 
ing, ALSO, THE Names of the Reigning Monarchs 
OF England and France, and of the Governors 


1555. Penobscot bay described by Thevet, who refers 
to an old French fort in this vicinity. — Reign of Queen 
Mary, of England ; and Henr}^ II, of France. 

1604. Champlain visits this region. — James I, of 
England ; Henry IV, of France. 

1605. Penobscot river and bay explored by James 

1611. Father Biard visits this region. — Louis XIII, of 

1613. Colony of St. Sauvier formed in France. Cap- 
tain Argall, of Virginia, cast ashore here. First French 
fort probably erected here about this time. 

1614. Captain John Smith reports finding a settlement 

1620. Landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. 

1626. Trading house established by Isaac AUerton, 
under direction of Plymouth Colony of Massachusetts. — 
Charles I, of England. 

1632. Trading house surprised and rifled by the 
French under Rosillon. 

1635. Trading house attacked and occupied by Aulney. 
Caj^tain Girling and Miles Standish attempt to regain it. 
Death of Razillai. 

1643. ]^a Tour attacks some of Aulney's men at a 
mill. Louis XIV, of France. Confederation of New 
England colonies. 

1644. La Tour attacks and burns a farm house of 
Aulney's. Articles of peace concluded between Aulney 
and I^.ndicott, Governor of New England. 

1648. Friar Leo lays corner stone of Capuchin chapel. 
1651. Death of Aulney. La Tour marries his widow. 


1654. Pentagoet taken by the English. Oliver Crom- 
well Protector, of England. 

1656. Patent of Acadia from Cromwell to La Tour, 
Temple and Crowne. 

1662. Captain Thomas Bredion in command of Fort. 
Edward Naylor in command of " Negew," of Penobscot. 
Charles II, of England. 

1665. Baron Castin stationed at Quebec. The Dutch 
surrendered New York the year before. 

1667. Treaty of Breda. Pentagoet xiominally re- 
turned to the French. Arrival of Baron Castin at Pen- 

1670. Fort Pentagoet surrendered by Colonel Temple 
to Grandfontaine. 

1671. Sixty passengers, including four girls and one 
woman, arrive in the V Oranger. 

1673. Grandfontaine succeeded by M. Chambly. Pop- 
ulation of Pentagoet (white), thirty-one. 

1674. Fort Pentagoet taken by a Flemish corsair, 
under command of Captain Jurriaen Aernoots. 

1676. Pentagoet taken by the Dutch. 

1686. Seizure of some wines by Thomas Sharp, under 
orders of Palmer and West. James II, of England. 
Andros, Governor of New England. 

1687f Castin notified by the Government of New 
England to surrender Pentagoet. 

1688. Probable date of Castin's marriage to a daugh- 
ter of Madockawando. Visit here of Sir Edmund Andros. 

1689. Thomas Gyles tortured by the Indians on the 
heights of Bagaduce. Census of Pentagoet, (whites), 
four. William III, and Mary, of England. 

1690. Sir William Phipps takes possession of the 
place. King William's War begins. 

1692. Attempted abduction of the Baron Castin. 
The colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay united. 
Hanging for witchcraft in Massachusetts. 

1693. Castin gives in his adhesion to the English. 
Population of Pentagoet (whites), fourteen. 

1694. Sieur Villieu in command. Governor Phipps 
receives a deed of Pentagoet from Madockawando. 

1697. Treaty of Ryswick. Conference between Com- 
missioners and Indians. Death of Madockawando. 

1698. One Caldin (or Alden) trades at PentagiJet. 


1701. Baron Castin returns to France. — Stougliton, 
Lt. Governor. 

1703. House of Anselm Castin plundered by the Eng- 
lish. — Anne, of England. Queen Anne's war began the 
previous year. Joseph Dudley, Governor. 

1704. A daughter of Baron Castin captured by Church. 
The Castin family remove to Canada. 

1707. Anselm Castin takes part in engagement at Port 
Royal. Accompanies Levingstone to Canada, and saves 
his life. Marries Charlotte I'Amours. His two sisters 
marry Frenchmen. 

1721. Anselm Castin captured and taken to Boston. 
— George, of England ; Louis XV, of France. 

1722. Anselm goes to B^arne, France. 

1725. Joseph Dabadis St. Castin is attacked by the 
master of an English vessel, and has an Engbsh lad taken 
from him. William Dummer, Lieut. Governor. 

1760. Lincoln County established. George III, of 
England. Sir Francis Bernard, Governor. 

1762. Twelve townships granted by the Provincial 
General Court to David Marsh and others. 

1764. Wilham Hutchings born October 6th, — one year 
before the Stamp Act. 

1776. Chart of Penobscot bay published by order of 
the English Parhament. Louis XVI, of France. Decla- 
ration OF Independence. 

1779. The English take possession of Majabagaduce, 
and the Americans make an unsuccessful attempt to recap- 
ture it. Fort George and a number of batteries built. 

1780. The bay frozen over from here to Camden. 
General Wadsworth and Major Burton escape from Fort 
George. John Hancock, Governor of Massachusetts. 

1781. General McLean died at Halifax. The English 
attempt to plant a colony at this place, which they call 
*' New Ireland." 

1783. Charles Steward interred in what is now the 
cemetery of Castine. The first burial there. Peace with 

1784. The Tories are ordered by the Federalists to 
leave this region. 

1785. James Bowdoin, Governor of Massachusetts. 
The General Court confirms the title of Plantation No. 3. 
Survey of the Plantation made by John Peters. 


1787. The town of Penobscot incorporated FebniaTy 
23d. John Hancock, Governor of the Commonwealth. 

1788. George Thatcher, first Representative of Penob- 
scot to the General Conrt of Massachusetts. Constitutions 
of the United States adopted. 

1789. Penobscot made a Collection District. 

1790. Hancock County established. Penobscot made 
the shire town. 

1791. Reverend Isaac Case removed here from Thom- 
aston, Vermont admitted to the Union. 

1793. Some stocks erected near the Court House. — 
Samuel Adams, Lieut. Governor. 

1794. Hancock Lodge F. & A. M., chartered. Sam- 
uel Adams, Governor. 

1795. First tavern in Penobscot kept by Mr. Brewer. 

1796. Jonathan Powers settled as first minister in 
Penobscot. Town of Castine incorporated and made the 
shire, February 10th. Isaac Parker elected as first Repre- 
sentative. Tennessee admitted to the Union. 

1797. Public welcome given to Mr. Parker, on his 
return from General Court. Increase Sumner, Governor. 

1798. Reverend William Mason ordained as first min- 
ister in Cast^ine. 

1799. Castine Journal published. Moses Gill, Lieut. 

1800. Washington's death commemorated, February 
23d. Ship Hiram captured by the French and re-captured. 
First Methodist sermon preached in Castine, by Reverend 
Joshua Taylor. Caleb Strong, Governor. 

1804. Insurrection west of Belfast. Militia ordered to 
be in readiness for service. 

1807. Castine Cemetery purchased. Reverend Jonathan 
Powers died November 8th. James Sullivan, Governor. 

1809. Fort Point Ferry Co., incorporated. The "Eagle" 
published. Christopher Gore, Governor. Embargo repealed. 

1810. Castine Mechanic Association incorporated. — 
Elbridge Gerry, Governor. 

1811. Ebenezer Ball hung, 

1812. Declaration of War against England, June 18. 
Caleb Strong, Governor. Louisiana admitted to the Union. 

1813. Memorial of town of Castine against the war. 

1814. Castine made a Port of Entry. British occupy 
the town, dig a canal and throw up batteries. Treaty of 


Peace, December 24, 1815. Britisli troops evacuate Castine, 
April 28th. Town illuminated. United States troops 
take possession. 

1816. Castine Bank established. John Brooks, Gov- 
ernor. Indiana admitted to the Union. 

1817. Susup tried for the murder of Knight. Doctor 
Moses Adams tried for the murder of his wife. The town 
of Brooksville incorporated, June 13th. A part of Penob- 
scot set off to Castine. Mississippi admitted to the Union. 

1819. United States abandons Fort George. Alabama 
admitted to the Union. 

1820. Trinitarian Church organized in Castine. Maine 
admitted to the Union. William King the first Governor 
of the State. 

1824. Arrival of first steamboat at Castine. Albion K. 
Parris, Governor. 

1825. Seth Elliot hung. 

1826. First Congregational Society of Brooksville 
organized. Death of Adams and Jefferson, July 4. 

1828. Rope-walk burned, March 6th. " Eastern 
American " published. Penobscot Steamboat Navigation 
Co. incorporated. Enoch Lincoln, Governor. 

1830. Rope-walk again burned, October 7th. Jona- 
than G. Hunton, Governor. 

1832. Orthodox Church dedicated, May 30th. Sam- 
uel E. Smith, Governor. 

1833. Castine Poor-farm purchased. 

1834. Resignation and departure from town of Rever- 
end William Mason. Robert P. Dunlap, Governor. 

1835. Steam Flour Mill erected in Castine. 

1836. Town-house built in Penobscot. 

1838. Courts removed to Ellsworth. Edward Kent, 

1839. Hancock Guards organized. They go to the 
Aroostook. John Fairfield, Governor. Boundary troubles 
between Great Britain and the United States. 

1840. Castine purchases the Court-house for a Town- 
house. Finding of the " Castine Coins." Edward Kent, 

1842. Two houses burned in Castine, March 26th. 
John Fairfield, Governor. 

1845. Bagaduce fire engine purchased. Hugh J. 
Anderson, Governor. 

1846. Town-house built in Brooksville. 


1849. Brooksville Manufacturing Co., and South Bay 
Meadow Dam Co. incorporated. John W. Dana, Gover- 

1855. Castine Town Library established. Anson P. 
Morrill, Governor. 

1857. Disastrous fire in Castine, March 1st. Joseph 
H. Williams, Actmg Governor. 

1858. Castine Light Infantry organized. Lot M. 
Morrill, Governor. 

1861. War of Rebellion. Castine Light Infantry 
leave town for place of rendezvous, April 27th. Hancock 
Lodge F. & A. M. re-chartered. Israel Washburn, Jr., 

1863. Finding of the " Copper Plate." Abner Coburn, 

1866. William Hutchings died May 3d. Samuel Cony, 

1867. State Normal School established in Castine. 
Castine Brick Co. incorporated. Joshua L. Chamberlain, 

1868. Orthodox Church of Castine, re-dedicated. 

1873. State Normal School-house dedicated May 22d. 
Hector Fire-engine purchased. Sidney Perham, Gover- 

1874. Edward Griffith (Lord Egmont) died . 



Abduction of Castin, attpmpted,24,2T8. 
Abigail , tln' .S<-'hoonrr . !).j. 
Abridgement of Letter of Brouillan to 

Minister, 283—284. 
Acadia, 18, 20, 250, 254. 
Acadia, Governor of, 17, 19. 
Account of Capture of Casstine in 1814, 

Account of Sir John Moore's Skirmish, 

Account of Town against State, 163 — 

Account of what transpired in Canada 

in 1696, 279. 
Act of Incorporation of BrooliSAille, 

Act of Incorporation of Castine, 343 — 

Act of Incorporation of Penobscot, 342 

Act of Surrender of Fort Pentagoet, 

1670, 254—256. 
Act to set off part of Penobscot to Cas- 
tine, 352. 
Active, the Brig, 38, 46, 304. 
Acts of Legislature, &(:, 64—66, 73, 76, 

81, 140, 239, 342—345, 351, 352. 
Adams, the Ship, 232, 35.3—355. 
Adams & Xourse's Independent Chron- 
icle, 340. 
Agent for Proprietors, 67, 69. 
Agoncv, 14. 
Albany, the Sloop, 40, 291, 292, 296, 302, 

323, .326, 327. 
Algemogin, 55, 312. 
Americans, the, 36— .38, 46, 48. 
American Attack, 41 — 44. 

cruisers ami ijrivateers, 36. 
dead, burial ])laci'of, 42. 
exiu'dition, 37 — 40,46. 
llctt, 3s, 40, 45. 
landing-i)lacc, 41, 42, 192. 
officer, statement of an, 41. 
repulse, 45, 46. 
Ships, list of, 304. 
Amirganganeque, the river, 275. 
Amount of money donated in 1861, 189. 
Amusements, 86—87. 
Anecdotes, 25, 27, 48, 49—52, 109—110, 

Animals, .58 — 59. 
Anniversaries, 87—88. 
Appendix-. 375 — 394. 
Appropriations, 6S— 70, 72, 74, 76, 83, 

84, 112, 115, 116, 121, 136, 138, 240, 


Area, 56. 

Arrival of sick and wounded at CoL 

Brewer's, 331. 
Arrivals of birds, fishes, &c., 60, 63. 
Artillery Company, 86, 88, 89, 156, 162. 
Associations, 89, 91. , 

Associated Refugees, the, 65. 
Atlantic House, the, 91. 
Attack by Captain Girling, 17. 

La Tour, 18, 19. 

the English, 25. 

the Dutch, 30. 

the French, 17. 

Flemish Corsairs, 30. 

Pirates, 260—262. 

on Bangor and Hampden, 
' on Belfast, 354. 

on Biickstown, 355. 
Authors and Publishers, 92,93, 129,226. 
Back Cove, the, 51, 1,58, 191. 
Bagaduce Fire Engine, 83, 102. 

House, 92. 

Peninsula of, 55, 75, 111. 

Kiver, course of, 55. 

Xames of, 15. 
Bakeman's Mountain, 185. 
Ball, trial of, &c., 105. 
Band, Lawrence's Cornet, 148. 
Bangor, a half-shire town, 104. 

Packet the, 159. 
Baptisms, Number of, 125. 
Bai)tist Societv of Brooksville, 133. 
Batteries, 40—43, 15S, 189—192, 228. 
Battery,— East Point Battery, 190. 

Furieuse, ls9. 

Gosselin, 190. 

Griffith, 191. 

Xautilus Island, 192. 

Penobscot, 189—190. 

Sherbrooke, 190. 

"Wescott's, 190. 325. 

West Point. 191. 
Betsey & Jane, the Schooner, 173. 
Bill of sale, a. 171. 
Biographical Sketches, 198—238. 
Hirds, .58. 

Black Prince, the Ship, .38, 304. 
HIande. the, 45, 307, .327. 
IJlock House, the, 191. 
Point, 41. 
Bluehill Mountain, 185. 
Board of Health, the, 82. 

War. the State. 38. 
Bombay, the Steamer, 228. 
Boston Massacre, the, 158. 



Boston Regiment, the, 158. 
Boundaries, 55, 185. 
Bounties, 78, 80, 84, 168, 2-41. 
Breda, treaty of, 20, 251—252. 
Brewer's visit to Lovell, 32. 

to McLean, 329, 331-332. 

British, the, 20, 30, 31, 36, 37, 40, 41, 

43—48, 52, 77, 150, 155, 157—161, 

170, 173, 174, 177, 183, 188—193, 198, 

199, 219, 328. 

Broolisville Manufacturing Company, 


Sailors in war of Rebellion, 

Soldiers in war of Rebellion, 

Town of, 13, 55—57, 133— 
136, 158, 162, 168, 169, 180, 181, 185, 
192, 199, 208, 209, 236, 239, 241, 242 
Buck's Harbor, 73, 135, 185. 
Bulwark, the (man-of-war), 157. 
Burhante, the Frigate, 157. 
Bv-Laws of Castine, 83. 
Calef's Journal of the Siege, 290—303. 
Camilla, the, 45. 

Camden, capture of the, 229, 231. 
Cannon, 192—193, 255—256, 257—259, 

325, 355. 
Capture and escape of Wadsworth and 

Burton, 49—52. 
Captures bv the English, 20, 37, 157— 
159, 353—356. 
of vessels, 44—46,94—98, 259, 
Capuchins — Sae Priests. 
Caribbee Islands, the, 250. 
Carignan Salieres, regiment of, 21, 264. 
Castin, character of Baron, 22—23, 

concerning sons of Baron, 287 

family of, &c., 23, 24—28. 
house of 22. 
garden of 22, 256, 257. 
letters concerning, 264-265, 270 
273, 278, 279, 282, 284, ■2«6, 
orchard of, 22, 256, 257. 

from, 268— 270,285. 
to, 263—264. 
Castine,— Academv, 139—142. 
Bank, 177, 180. 
Brick Companv, 180. 
"Coins," 194— i95. 
Gazette, the, 92, 93. 
Health fulness of, 29, 61—62, 

103—104, 219, 
House, the, 92. 
Journal, the, 93. 
Light Infantry, 160—168. 
Mechanic Association, 179. 
Soldiers in War of Rebel- 
lion, 366—369. 
Sailors in War of Rebellion, 

The Brig, 229, 232. 

Castine, — the town of. 13, 55—59, 61, 
65, 70—84, 135—154, 162 
—168, 170—197,209—212, 
214—229, 232—238, 244, 
the village of, 85—110, 185— 
Cato, the Sloop, 159. 
Cemeterv, the, 76, 83, 108, 240. 
Census, 32, 276. 
Center Street, 142. 
Chain 3Ianufactory, 180. 
Chapels, 111, 131, 186, 255, 257. 
Charts of the Coast, 36, 37. 
Chest found at 2d Narrows, 324—325. 
Cholera, the, 82, 104. 

Infantum, 103. 
Chronological Table, 389-394. 
Churches, 64.68, 69,75, 89, 112—115, 118, 

120, 129—132, 
Church Members, 117, 122, 125, 127. 

Organization, 116, 117, 122, 
126, 130—134, 
Citizens Prominent in Nation, State, 

&c., 226—229. 
Clergvmen, 74, 76, 112, 116—133, 200— 

Climate, 59—63. 

Coasting in Street forbidden, 81. 
Coast Survey, the U. S., 36. 
Cobb House, the, 193. 
Colfee House, Woodman's, 88, 91. 
Collectors of Customs for Port of Cas- 
ting, 380. 
Colonv, the French, 16. 

the Plymouth, 16, 17. 
Commerce, the" Schooner, 99. 
Commercial History, 170 — 183. 
Commissioners, 30." 33, 76. 
Conniiittcc of Public Safety, 78, 79. 
Conmion, the, 80, 83. 
Condition of Fort Pentagoet, 1670, 256 

Confession of Faith and Covenant, 117, 

Congregational Society of Brooksville, 

Congregational Society of Castine, 120, 

—126, 126—130. 
Congregational Society of Penobscot, 

Consumption, Pulmonary, 103. 
Contest between Aulney'and La Tour, 

Copper Plate, the, 195—196. 
Correspondence in the Seasons, 63. 
Corporations, 179 — 180. 
" Cotton's Head," 196. 
Courts and Trials, 104—108. 
Court House, 83, 88, 129. 
Martial, 46. 
of Guard, 254. 
Courts removed to Ellsworth, 82. 
Cove, Maple Juice 48. 

Mathews', 319. 
Crescent, the, 93. 



Crops, the, 57. 

Cross, Island, 40, 292. 

Croup, the, 103. 

Crows, Bounty for, 78. 

Crustaceans, 59. 

Customs and Revenue, 177 — 178. 

Deaths by Drowning, 98—99. 

Deeds, 33, 115, 142, 145, 355, 356. 

Deeds of Common Lot, 360—362. 

Meeting House Lot, 358 — 359. 
Peninsula School Lot, 856 — 

Defiance, the Sloop, 38, 46, 302, 304. 

Delirium Tremens, 103. 

Deposition of Edward Naylor, 249. 

Descriptive Chapter, .55 — 63. 

Description of Property, 181—182. 

Deserters, 159. 

Diligence, the Brig, 38, 304. 

Diseases, 102—104. 

Distances, 55, 314. 

District Meetings, 138—146. 

Documents relating to Ante-Revolu- 
tionary Period, 249—289. 

Documents relating to Revolutionary 
Period, 290—337. 

Documents relating to Municipal Pe- 
riod, 338—374. 

Domestic Statuary, 196. 

Doshen Shore, the, 132. 

Draco, the Brig, 231. 

Dragon, the (Man-of-war), 157, 161. 

Dutch, Occupation by the, 30, 260. 
oven, 190. 

Duties, 33, 174—176. 

Dyce's Head, 41, 55, 56, 179, 201. 

Dvseuterv, 103. 

Eagle, the, 93. 

Early Explorations, 14. 
Settlers, 198-209. 
Trade, 170—175. 

Earthquakes, 18, 34, 61. 

Eastern Advertiser, the, 93, 
American, the, 93. 

East Point Battery, 190. 

Eclipse of the Sun, 48. 

Ecclesiastical Councils, 117—119, 122, 
124, 126—129. 
History, 111—134. 

Educational History, 1.35 — 154. 

Elliott, trial of, &c., 107—108. 

Ellis House, the, 193. 

Embargo, the, 77—80. 

Ensine men, list of, 102. 

English, the— See Bjitish. 

Fleet, the, 45, 157, 158. 

Epilepsy, 103, 

Epilogue to Comedy of Poor Gentle- 
man, 86 — 87. 

Epitaphs, 108—109. 

Etchemins, land of the, 13. 

Excommunications, 118, 119. 

Expedition, American, 37—39. 
English, 159,328. 
of Colonel Church, 34. 


Extract from letter of Gov. Leverett, 

Extract from a letter of Sir Thomas 

Temple, 1668, 249—250. 
Families in Castine in 1786, 346 — 

Fan tine, the Brig, 160. 
Farmhouse, Aulney's, 19. 
Farms, 35, 57, 325. 
Fauna, 58, 59. 

Ferry, Castine and Brooksville, 75, 
184, 240. 
Lymburner's, 75. 
Fires, 19, 99—102. 
Fire Companies, 99—102. 

Engines, 99—102, 
Fishes, 59. 
Fisheries, the 24, 30, 170, 183, 242, 258, 

259, 265, 266, 279, 281, 282, 313. 
Flemish Pirates, 30. 
Flogging of Sailors, 326. 
Flora, 57, 375—380. 
Fly-boat, seizure of a, 32, 274. 
Flving Horse, the, 30. 
Fogs, 61. 

Foreign Goods and Merchandise, 174. 
Fort, Aulney's, 16, 19, 20, 22, 30—35, 
Baron Castin's, 16, 19, 20, 22,30— 

35, 186—187. 
Castine, 158, 191—192. 
George, 37, 40, 49, 158, 159, 161— 

162, 188-189, 205. 
Knox, 205. 

Madison, 158, 191—192. 
Peutagoet, 16, 19, 20, 22, 30—35, 
186—187, 254, 256, 258, 266, 
272, 280. 
Point, 34. 46, 218. 
Porter, 158, 191—192. 
Pownal, 35, 65, 218. 
Preble, 158, 191—192. 
The — at Thomaston, 157. 
The French, 16, 19, 20, 22, 30—35, 

186—187, 311, 325. 
The LTnited States, 158, 191, 192. 
Fort Point Ferry Company, 179. 
Freemasons, 89—90, 224, 225, 226, 227, 

French Documents, 250—254, 250—260, 
260—266, 268—286. 
the, 14—: 9, 30—35, 155, 186— 

187, 311. 
Settlements, the abandonment, 
Frenchman's Farm, 325. 
Pond, 325. 
Furs, trade in, 16, 33, 170, 279. 
Galatea, the, 45. 
Gazeite of Maine, the 92. 
Genealogical Table, 19(S. 
General and Social History of Castine, 

General Putnam, the Ship, 38. 

Washington, the Sloop, 100. 

398 INDEX. 

Geology of the Territory of Penobscot, 

&e., 57. 
Ghost, a Drummer's, 324. 
Gold Coin, a, 195. 
Good Templars, the, 91. 
Graduations from High School, 154. 
Grants to Proprietors, terms of, 04. 
Green Dragon, the, 92. 
Greyhound, the, 45. 
Guard House, 254, 256. 
Hainey's Plantation, 43. 192, 202, 301. 
Haraden, (he Ship, 38, 45, 302,304. 
Hamourahiganiaques, the, 275. 
Hancock Agricultural Society, 91. 

Count J', 104. 

Debating Club, 91. 

Fire Company, 100—102. 

Fire Engine, 100. 

Guards, 102, 163—166, 363, 

Lodge, 88, 89—90. 

The Steamboat, 178, ISO. 

The Vessel, 159. 
Hardscrabble, 132, 185. 
Hatch's Point, 43, 190. 
Hazard, the Brig, 38, 304, 32G. 
Hearse, the 81, 82. 
Hector, the Ship, 38, 304. 
Height of the Peninsula, 42. 
Henry's Point, 43, 192. 
Heroism, Act of, 228. 
Hero of Castine, the, 161. 
Hiram, capture of the, 95 — 98. 
Hooke House, the, 193—194. 
Hope, the, 17. 
Hornet, the Sloop, 231. 
House Warmings, 87. 
Hutchings' Narrative of the Siege, &c., 

Hunter, the Ship, 38, 45, 302, 304. 
Illumination of Town, 87. 
Importance of Peutagoet, 37. 
Independence Day, 87. 
Indians, the, 13, 16, 31, 33, 34, 263—265, 
268, 270—273, 275-280, 282—284, 
Inhabitants, 19, 20, 47, 48, 67, 75, 142, 

158, 159, 182, 242, 243. 
Inflammation of the Lungs, 103. 
Inns, 88,91— 92. 
Insanity, 103. 
TusGcts o9 

Installations, &c., 117, 119, 122, 128, 129. 
Instructions to Grandfontaine, 1670, 
Meuneval, 272. 
Penobscot Committee, 
Insurance, 174. 
Intemperance, 82, 87. 
Inventory of Propertv, 181—182. 
Islands, 14, 43, 45, 46^ 48, 56, 185, 192, 

263, 269, 324. 
Isle Percee, Castin forbidden to go to 

the, 269. 
Itinerant Preachers, 112, 120. 

Jane, the, 266. 
Jarvis House, the, 92. 
J. M. Tilden, the Schooner, 99. 
Journal of Weather, 59-61, 61—63. 
J. P. Whitnev, the Ship, 232. 
Keefe, Mrs., trial of, 108. 
La Heve, 254. 
Lakeman House, the, 91. 
Landing Place of the Americans, 41, 
42, 192. 
of the British, 328. 
Lark, the Schooner, 94. 
Latitude and Longitude, 55. 
Lav/rence Bay, 55. 
Lawrence's Journal, 314 — 320, 

Orderly Book, 320—322. 
Lawyers of Castine, &c., 212 — 217. 
Lett, the Island of, 25. 
Letters of Acceptance, 116, 121—122. 
Letters from Colbert to Fronteuac, 262 
from Perham to Wm. William 

sou, 328—336. 
of Castin to Denonville, 1687 

of Denonville to the Minister 

1687, 270. 

of Denonville to the Minister 

1688, 274—275. 

of L'Auverjat to de la Chasse 

1728, 287-289. 
of Lovell to Saltonstall,310-311 
Liberal Temperance Society, the, 91. 
Light House, the, 179, 185. 
List of Plants found in Castine and 
vicinity, 375—380. 
of Hancock Guards who went to 

the Aroostook, 363—364. 
of Soldiers in French and Indian 

War, 362. 
of Soldiers in War of Eebellion, 

of Soldiers in the War of Kevolu- 

tion, 362. 
of Soldiers in the War of 1812, 363. 
Liverpool Trader, the, 159, 229. 
Lock-up, the, 84. 
Londoner, the, 202. 
Long Island, 45, 48. 
Loyalists, the, 313. 
Lucv, the, 159. 
MacZachlar's Order, 337. 
Madockawando, 14, 33, 275—276. 
Magazine of Fort Peutagoet, 255, 257. 
Mail and Mail carriers, 93—94, 241. 
Maine — admitted to the Union, 81. 
Early Exploration of, 14. 
Province (or District) of, 34. 
the Steamboat, 178. 
Majabigaduce, 15, 313. 
Majetaquados River, 353. 
Mammalia, 58. 
Mann House, the, 193, 325, 
Manufacturers, 179—180. 
Maps of the Coast, 36. 
Marche-bagaduce, 15. 



Mariners, 229—231. 
31arriages, 23, 125. 
Martinique, Island of, 31, 263. 
Massachusetts — Comniouwealtli of, 18. 
General Court of, 33, 

37, 64, 65, 66. 
the Sloop, 35, 
Matchebiguatus, 15. 
Martinicus, Island of, 31. 
Mayflower, the, 229. 
Members of Congress from Castine, 
Governor's Council, 381. 
Memoir concerning some wines, 266 — 
of M. Talon, 258, 259, 259—260. 
Frontennc, 1674, 260—262. 
the Colony at Acadia, 273 — 
upon the abduction of Castin, 
Memoranda of things needed at Pesca- 

doue, 285. 
Merchants, 172—175, 232, 238. 
Methodist Society of Brooksville, 134. 
Methodist Society of Castine, 130—132. 
Methodist Society of Penobscot, 132. 
Michigan, the Schooner, 90. 
Militia at North Castine, 354, 355. 
Military Celebrations, 87, 88, 167. 
Companies, 102, 155—168. 
History, 153—169. 
or Nayal Officers, 17—21, 29, 
31, 32, 34—44, 225-227. 
Mill, Aulney's, 18, 19, 325, 
Minister's Lot, &c., 64, 72, 75, 118, 120, 

Missionaries, 13, 33, 111, 112, 125. 
Missouri, the Steam Fi'igate, 178. 
Mollusks, 59. 
Money at Intei'est, 182. 
Monmouth, the Ship, 38, 301, 304. 
Mortality, 102—104. 
Mose-ka-chick, legend of, 16. 
Mullett House, the, 193. 
Municipal History of Brooksyille, 239 

Municipal History of Castine, 73 — 84. 
Municipal History of Penobscot, 64— 

Munitions of War, 38, 158, 164, 165. 
Murders, 99, 105—108. 
Nancy, the Schooner, 178. 

the Sloop, 38. 
Naskcag, 26. 
Nations that have occupied Castine, 

Natural Advantages of the territory, 
Scenery of tlie territory, 56, 
184— 1)S6. 
Nautilus Island, 40—45, 56, 292, 294, 

32(1, 327. 
Nautilus Island Battery, 192. 

the Sloop, 40, 43, 292, 298, 302, 
317, 323, 326. 

Navigation, 178—179. 
Necklace of Porcelain, 275. 
Negew, 20, 249. 
Negro Islands, 324. 
New England, Governor of, 19. 
People, &c. of, 31. 
New Ireland, 64 — 65, 
New Plymouth, 250. 
Newspapers, 92 — 93, 340. 
Normal School, 146—148. 
Northern Bav Pond, 185. 
North, the Sloop, 40, 201, 292, 298, 299, 

302, 316, 323, 326. 
Norumbegue, 14. 
Note by the Minister, 266, 282. 
Notification by the Inhabitants, 65, 201. * 
Nova Scotia, 20. 

Oath of Allegiance, &c., 40, 329. 
Old Houses, 193—194. 
Oleron, Town of, 21, 25. 
Oliyer Spear, the Schooner, 159. 
Oneida, sinking of the, 228. 
Granger, 1' arrival of, 29. 
Orcutt's Harbor, 56, 185. 
Order of Judge at N. Y. to Thos. 

Sharp, 263. 
Orders,— Military, 47, 156, 157, 159, 263, 
321, 322, 337. 
of P. O. Department, 160. 
Ordinations — see Installations. 
Ornamental Ti'ees. 83. 
Otter, the Ship, 45, 326. 

Itock, 326. 
Oyster River, attack on 14. 
Pallas, the 304. 
Parishes, 115, 116. 
Parish Meetings, 117. 
Part First, 13. 
Second, 53. 
Third, 247—374. 
Parish Records, 117, 118, 122—125, 126 

Penobscot Bay, 13, 14, 36, 55, 56, 61. 
Expedition, 328. 
Municipal History of 64-72. 
River 14, 16, 52, 55 — 56, 184, 

185, 229. 
Sailors in War of Rebellion, 

Soldiers in Warof Rebellion, 

372—374. ' 

Steamboat Navigation Com- 
pany, 180. 
Taken by the Dutch, 260. 
Territory of, 311. 
Town of, 13, 38, 53, 55 — 57, 
(M— 75, SI, 91, 94, 99, 112, 
114, 116— lis, 2(15, 206, 
211, 215, 224,226, 243, 
PentagiJet, 13--16, 18, 20, 26, 29, 31, 33. 
35, 73, 254—256—266. 

Attacked by Pirates, 260— 

Docunicnts concerning, 250, 
253, 258—263, 265, 260. 



Peniooskeag, 35. 
Peruvian, the Sloop 157. 
Petition to the President, 78. 
Petitions, 46. 78, 114—115, 123—124, 

140—141,140, 166, 174. 
Physicians, 104, 217—224. 
Pierce's Pond, 185. 
Pictu, the Schooner 157. 
Pirates, 2(51. 
Plan of Fort George, 188. 

" Pentiigoet, 187. 
Plantation No. 3, 64 — 66, 76. 
Plaster, a wonderful 221—222. 
Platform near Fort Pentagoet, 255, 

Plymouth Colony, 16, 17, 33. 
Poetical Quotations, 21, 23, 53,77, 86— 

87, 105, 110, 118—119, 190, 236. 
Pollv, the Schooner 94. 
Pomroy's vessel cut out by Little, 327. 
Ponds," 55, 56, 185, 325. 
Poor Farm, the 82, 
Population, the 29, 32, 35, 65, 138, 181, 

183, 242—244. 
Port Kasoir, 276. 
Postage, 93. 

Postscript to Calef's Journal, 311—314. 
Pouutygouyet, 14. 
Preamble to Const, of Soc. Lib. Ass. 90. 

Presents to Madockawando, 276. 
rice Current, 171, 177. 
of Beaver SUins, 170. 
Priest, 13, 111,112,283. 
Proclamation by McLean,&c., 304-307. 

by Lovell, 307—309. 
Providence, the Sloop, 38, 304, 325, 326. 
Provisions, 38, 47, 140, 171, 173, 174, 177. 
Public Mourning, 88—89. 

Tomb, 83. 
Puritans, the. 111. 
Quarantine, 82, 104. 
Quarries, the granite, 185, 212. 
Queen Anne's War, 34. 
Queen's Birthday, y7. 
Itadiates, 59. 
Raisonnable, the, 45, 302. 
Recruiting Office, 156. 
Register of St. Jean Baptiste, 23, 286, 
Relics, 194—197. 
Religious matters, 68, 70, 111—134. 

services, 88, 89, 112, 117, 119, 
125, 128, 132. 
Remarks concerning Acadia, 275—276. 
Removal of Courts, 69, 183. 
Report of M. de Chani|)igney, 278. 
M. Denonville, 264, 265. 
M. de Menueval, 272—273. 
M. Monscignat, 276—277. 
Reports of Committees. &c., 67, 74-76, 
113, 137, 143, 144, 151--153, 
of Committee of Conference 

(Penobscot). 74—75. 

of Commiltee of Conference 

(Proprietors), 67—68. 

Reports of Congress. Cora, of Ways 

and Means, 174 — 176. 
Representatives to Legislature, 381 — 

Reptiles, 59. 

Resignations, &c., 119, 128, 129. 
Resolve coutirmiug grant to D. Marsh, 

&c,., 338 — 341. 
Resolve of town, &c., 66, 70, 76, 80—81, 

Revenge, the, 304. 
Rheumatism, 103. 
Rifleman, the Sloop, 353. 
Right of Search, 77, 
Rio de Gomez, the, 14. 
de las Gamas, the, 14. 
Grande, the, 14, 
Hermo<o, the, 14. 
Santa Maria, the, 14. 
Rising Virtue Lodge, 91. 
Roads, the, 71, 75, 94, 184, 185, 239. 
Robert Morris, the Shi[j, 232. 
Rope-walk, the, 100, 177, 181. 
liose, the Frigate, 31. 
Rozier, Cape, 16, 40, 56. 73, 135, 136, 139, 

192, 198, 199 220, 242. 
Roster of Artillery Company, 162. 

of Castine Light Infantry, 364- 

of Hancock Guards, 363—364. 
Rover, the Sloop, 38. 
Sachems, Indians, 14, 24, 30, 33. 
Sagadahock, Governor of, 30. 
St. Helena, the, 301, 325. 
James, the Ship, 232. 
Sebastian, the Ship, 254, 258. 
Sally, the, 38, 178, 304. 
Samuel Adams, the Ship, 232. 
Samuel Notcs, the Schooner, 99. 
Santillana,"the, 325, 326. 
Savages— Si-^e Indians. 
Scalping of Indians, 34, 
Schools, &c., 69, 71, 72, 75, 135—154. 

private, 146. 
School—Agents, 137, 143. 

Appropriations, 136, 138,139, 

142, 143, 144, 240. 
Committee, 136, 137, 151, 153, 

Diplomas, 153. 
Districts, 135—146, 149, 150. 
Fund, 137, 138. 
Houses, 135, 136, 139, 142, 145, 

146, 148. 
Reports, 151 — 153. 
Statistics, 148—150. 
State Normal, 146, 148. 
Screw Augur, 179. 
Seal of Hancock Lodge, 90. 
Scotch Pilot, a 17. 
Sea-Men's Battery, 190. 
Selectmen of Castine, 382-385. 
Settlements, the abandoned, 35. 
Settlers, the English, 16, 34, 35. 
Sexton, duties of the, 121, 126. 



Shells, 57. 

Shipwrecks, 98—99. 
Sidewalks, 83, 

Siege of Penobscot, 37—47, 322—328. 
Sky Rocket, the Ship 38, 46, 304. 
Small Change, 48. 
Small Pox, 104. 
Smuggling, 174. 

Snap Dragon, the privateer, 160. 
Snow Storms, 60. 
Social Library Ass., 83, 90. 
Soil, the 57. 
Sonconaquins, the 275. 
Sons of Temperance, the, 91. 
South Bay Meadow Dam Co., 180. 
Specie, 48, 174,194—195. 
Spencer, the, 157. 
Springbird, the Sloop, 38. 
Stages, 94, 173. 

State Guards, officers of Co. E., 369. 
Kights, doctrine of, 79. 
Senators, 381. 
Steam Flour Mill, ISO. 
Stocks, the, 69. 
Stores, 171, 172, 173. 
Students from Bangor Seminary, 133. 
Substance of a letter from Castin, 285. 
Substance of letter from Subercase, 

Summary of Memoir upon Acadie, 271. 
Sunimarv of Memoir upon Canada, .fee, 

Summary of letter from Castin, 270, 
Summary of letter from Perrot, 265— 

Summary of letter from Subercase, 280. 
Summary of letter from Villieu, 281 

Suppers, Public 86, 87. 
Sun-ender of Pentagoet, 20, 254 — 256. 
Survey, of town, 66. 
Susup, trial ol^ 106. 
Sword, a white pine, 161. 
Sylph, the Sloop, 157, 
Synopsis of letter from Bonnaven- 

ture, 280—281 . 
Synopsis of letter from Palmer, 263— 

Synopsis of letter from Villebon, 279 

Tapley's Hill, 185. 
Tarratines, the, 13,30. 
Teachers. 146—150. 
TcnipiM-ature, 60. 
Temperance, 82, 84, 91,103. 
Tenedos.the Frigate, 157, 355. 
Territorial divisions, 55—56, 311. 
Theatre Royal, the, 86—87. 
Tomb, a— presented to the Town. 83. 
Topograijhical and Descriptive Chap- 
ter, 55—63. 
Tories, 300. 303, 313, 325, 326, 328. 

treatment of the, bv the Amer- 
icans. 300, 303, 313. 
Torture of Thomas (ivies, 32. 
Town— Aid in 18G1, 168. 

Town— Bounties (1861, 1865), 168. 

CrecUts (1861, 1865), 168. 

Directories, 385 — 388. 

House, 72, 83, 143, 144, 240. 

Library, 83. 84, 90. 

Meetings,66— 84,112— 116, 135 
—137, 239, 240. 
Townships, 311—312. 
Trade, 170—174. 
Trading House. 16, 17. 
Traditions, 15, i6, 109—110. 
Trask's Rock, 41, 42, 192. 
Treaties, 19, 20, 33, 251—252. 
Treaty of Breda, 251—252. 
Trees in bloom, &c., 63. 
Trials, Criminal, 105, 108. 
Trinitarian Church, 127—130. 
Typhoid Fever, 103. 
Tyrannicide, the Sloop, 38, 304. 
Uniforms, finding of some, 324. 
Union House, the, 92. 
Unitarian Meeting House, the, 193. 

Society, the, 120-126. 
Universalist " " 120—126. 
Valuation of Town, 181—182. 
Vegetables, early, 63. 
Vengeance, the Ship, 38, 304. 
Vessels captured, 26, 32, 45, 48, 94—98, 

Virginia, the, 45. 
Visit of Governor Andros, 31. 

" Pownal, 34—35. 

Voters, law in regard to, 73. 
Wadsvvorth Bay, 51, 191. 
Walker's Pond, 185. 
Walks and Drives, 184—186. 
War between England and France, 

20, 362, 
Aroostook, 163—165, 363—364. 
of 1812,79,80, 157—161, 173—176, 

Kebellion, 84, 167—169. 

Revolution, 84—52, 201, 202, 
204, 362. 
Queen Anne's, 34. 
Warnings from Town, 69, 74. 
Warren, the Frigate, 38, 295, 301, 304. 
Washington, mourning for, 88. 
Washingtouian Society, 91. 
Water Street, 76. 
Wealth, the Sloop, 178. 
Wealth, Journal of, 59-63. 
Welcome to Isaac Parker, 86. 
Wescotts's Battery, 190,325. 
West Point Battery, 191. 
Whaleboats sent to Boston, 43. 
Whiting House, the, 193. 
Wildcats, for, 80. 
Windmill, the, 76, 189, 190. 
Winds, prevailing. 61. 
Wines, cargo of, 30, 31. 
Winslow Farm, 19, 325. 
Wintliroi), the, 44. 
Yankee Doodle, 303. 
Yankee Doodle upset, 193.